The Sikh stand against Hindutva Inspired Hypernationalism

In recent years, emboldened by a newfound hypernationalism fuelled by Hindutva, India has raised its efforts to subsume every other walk of life. This extreme form of nationalism emphasizes the superiority of the Indian nation state and its identity over others. It is often associated with a belief in the inherent greatness of the Indian state and its people, and a strong sense of national pride. India’s hypernationalism fuelled by Hindutva has manifested itself in a variety of ways, including in an aggressive use of force or the threat of force to assert India's power and influence in the world. This has included military aggression, economic coercion, and subjugation within its own borders.

The promotion of Indian nationalist culture as superior to those of other minoritsed and marginalised groups has led to the imposition of cultural norms and practices on minority groups. Aside from its genocidal policies that are well documented by Human Rights Organisations, other policies such economic ones that prioritize the interests of Indian nationalism, are prevalent within business, media and journalism.

India currently ranks 161 out of 180, on the World Press Freedom Index. Analysts at Reporters Without Borders have outlined that,

"The other phenomenon that dangerously restricts the free flow of information is the acquisition of media outlets by oligarchs who maintain close ties with political leaders. This is particularly the case in “hybrid” regimes such as India (161st), where all the mainstream media are now owned by wealthy businessmen close to Prime Minister Narendra Modi. At the same time, Modi has an army of supporters who track down all online reporting regarded as critical of the government and wage horrific harassment campaigns against the sources. Caught between these two forms of extreme pressure, many journalists are, in practice, forced to censor themselves."

Sikhs will remember the Farmers Protest in which all of the above became abundantly clear when links were shown between Modi’s government and the likes of Mukesh Ambani, who owns the likes of NDTV, News Nation, India TV, News24 and Network 18, all of whom are guilty of misinformation and sensationalised reporting that reinforces the country’s hypernationalist rhetoric. The world saw how Indian media outlets vilified the farmers from Panjab and constantly downplayed the legitimacy of their movement, and we’re seeing it again.

Over the years, we have seen how any voice of dissent has been stringently suppressed, any advocate for Khalistan has been vilified and criminalised. In India separatists are synonymised with the term "terrorist", whether that's an active militant, journalist, academic or peaceful activist. India has proven time and time again, through the policies of consecutive governments, that it is incapable of running the country without the constant threat of violence.

This position has enabled its hypernationalism which has led to increased tensions with other countries, including with Canada following the murder of Khalistani activist Hardeep Singh Nijjar. As the government of India seeks to maintain a unified front, it only increases the risk of conflict, suppression of dissent and criticism.

India has a history of espionage, like other nation states, but it has taken an audacious step in an attempt to send a bold message to Sikh activists dedicated to Khalistan. Whilst the official line from India is one of denial, cracks are appearing in the form of overzealous journalists and political commentators across social media, who cannot contain their joy at the murder of a Khalistani.

Political commentators in India have accused the West of hypocrisy because of their own record of foreign terrorism, but in reality, this only solidifies the charges brought against India and weakens their position. Deep down Indian nationalists from across the political spectrum, are proud of India’s actions and will do everything within their power to maintain the status quo. At the centre of India’s Hindutva inspired hypernationalism lies a grumbling sense of insecurity. This is evident in the often simple and emotionally appealing narratives: that the nation is under threat, and they must do everything to annihilate this threat. However, this narrative oversimplifies complex issues, and leads to further intolerance, division, and conflict.

The Western world has always had a vested interest to preserve the fallacy that India is a democracy, not just for reasons of trade and labour, but because of wider geopolitics. On the other hand, the Sikhs, and other minoritised and marginalised peoples in India have known the real face of India that lurks behind the mask of democracy.

As heirs of sovereign power in Panjab and inspired by a Guru-ordained decree to stand against injustice, the Sikhs have been agitating against New Delhi, and holding it to account, ever since it began to renege on its own constitutional vows. From civil disobedience campaigns in the 1950s and 1960s to a resistance more in line with historic Sikh mobilisation, such as that of the 1980s and 1990s which propelled the Khalistan movement, all avenues have been kept open by the Sikhs.

The reality is the Indian state was manufactured by colonisers, it never existed in this form before in history. Forcing one homogeneous label on such a diverse region consisting of 1.4 billion people was a recipe for fascism and tyranny. Following Canada's decision to levy strong charges akin to an act of foreign terror, the wider world is beginning to see how the Indian project is a blemish on civilised humanity, a charge which the the Sikhs have raised with unwavering resolve for decades.

Assassinations, International Relations and Khalistan

Several recent incidents have raised the global profile of the Sikh struggle for sovereignty that has been waging on various fronts under the banner of Khalistan since the Indian government declared war on the Sikh Nation by launching a full-scale military attack on the Akal Takht and Sri Darbar Sahib in Amritsar in 1984.

In June 2023, UK-based prominent Khalistan activist, Avtar Singh Khanda passed away in mysterious circumstances. The events surrounding his death were very suspicious, and despite Sikhs raising the issue of foreign interference, the UK authorities did little to investigate the calls that India had a hand in his death.

In the same month another prominent Sikh activist and leader, Hardeep Singh Nijjar, based in Canada, was shot and killed on the grounds of Guru Nanak Sikh Gurdwara in Surrey. Elsewhere, in Pakistan, a month earlier respected Khalistani leader Paramjit Singh Panjwar, was also assassinated in Lahore. In addition to these killings there have been attacks on other fronts too. Just a few days ago, in Brisbane, Australian police officials said they suspected Hindus had desecrated their own temple to vilify and malign the ongoing referendum for Khalistan.  

There is also the ongoing issue of a Scottish national, Jagtar Singh Johal, who has also been arbitrarily held and tortured in India for six years, despite the campaigning of his family and MP, Martin Docherty-Hughes, that calls for UK intervention and his immediate release. In May 2022, the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention declared his detention arbitrary and unlawful under international law. A few months later independent investigators at Reprieve uncovered that a UK Minister may have authorised British intelligence agencies, MI5 and MI6, to share information with Indian authorities that led to Jagtar’s arrest, detention and torture.

Despite Scottish First Minister, Humza Yousaf’s calls for Jagtar Singh’s immediate release, there has been little to no substantial effort from Westminster to act in accordance with its own duty to protect UK citizens. Notwithstanding the campaigns from Sikhs, independent human rights groups and individual MPs, UK Prime Minister Rishi Sunak has avoided questions in the House of Commons and consistently distanced himself from criticising UK allies in New Delhi.

This week, in a seemingly unprecedented move, the Canadian Prime Minister, Justin Trudeau, along with members of the opposition, made a unanimous decision to share that their intelligence operations showed India were responsible for the assassination of Hardeep Singh Nijjar, and they had acted swiftly to expel Indian diplomat, Pavan Kumar Rai.

Spokespersons from both the US and Australia have expressed 'deep concern’ regarding the matter, whilst UK Foreign Minister said the UK supported Canada’s investigation. There is a lot to digest here, and I wanted to add some perspective at what may seem like a watershed moment in the long-standing Khalistan movement and international relations.

The importance of remaining steadfast in the pursuit of truth, despite the cowardly action of powers committed to vilify a peoples’ quest for sovereignty and criminalise them for standing up for their rights, cannot be overstated. History is replete with examples of peoples’ liberation movements that have endured similar tactics from regimes that felt threatened by their mobilisation.

One such example is the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN). The FLN was a nationalist movement that fought for the independence of Algeria from France. The French colonial power used a variety of methods to suppress the FLN, including vilification of its leaders, criminalisation of its supporters, and brutal repression of its protests. However, the FLN remained steadfast in its pursuit of truth and justice, and ultimately achieved its goals with the signing of the Évian Accords in 1962.

Another example is the African National Congress (ANC). The ANC was a political organisation that fought for the rights of black South Africans under apartheid. The apartheid regime used a variety of methods to suppress the ANC, including vilification of its leaders, criminalisation of its supporters, and brutal repression of its protests. However, the ANC remained steadfast in its pursuit of truth and justice, and ultimately achieved its goals with the end of apartheid in 1994.

These are just a couple of examples of peoples’ liberation movements from that endured similar tactics from regimes that felt threatened by their mobilisation. In each case, the people remained steadfast in their cause and ultimately achieved their goals.

In addition to the examples of the FLN and the ANC, there are many other examples of peoples’ liberation movements that have endured similar tactics from regimes that felt threatened by their mobilisation. These include the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO), the Irish Republican Army (IRA), and the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN). In each case, the people have remained steadfast in their pursuit of truth and justice, despite the cowardly action of powers committed to malign and quash their mobilisation.

The Sikhs too have a long history of struggle and sacrifice. From the time of Guru Nanak Patshah, Sikhs have faced persecution and vilification. However, they have always remained steadfast in their faith and their commitment to the Sikh cause.  The collective Sikh psyche of panth dhardhis are cognizant of the historical precedent that propels the commitment to the Khalistan Movement. Despite the movement enduring the repressive policy of consequent Indian governments, the Sikhs continue their fight on all fronts.

Remaining steadfast is something the Sikhs know well. However, at this juncture, it is also important for activists to remain vigilant on the narratives that are shared in mainstream media that may appear to help the Sikh cause by virtue of them raising awareness, but these narratives may serve to undermine them by using erroneous language that adds to the propaganda which vilifies and criminalises Sikh dissent. Narratives that adopt language which the Indian media has propagated for decades need to be challenged. This can be done by speaking out against the use of erroneous language that criminalises Sikh dissent or create parallel narratives that are more accurate and reflective of the Khalistan struggle.

Similarly, especially so in light of the statement made by Justin Trudeau and members of the opposition in Canada, it is important to acknowledge that the ramifications of their actions could be significant, if Trudeau and Canada uphold what they claim the country stands for and remain committed to presenting what Sikhs have said from day one to the world; that India is guilty of murder. The initial response from India has been one of denial, and retaliation in expelling a senior Canadian diplomat. The media in India has gone into a frenzy, social media is replete with Indian nationalists calling for more killings, but the Canadian authorities must remain steadfast and present the fullness of their investigation.

This is where Sikhs, and other activists dedicated to upholding human rights, freedom of speech and self-determination need to hold their elected officials to account. Given the brevity of the situation, with reports that Trudeau has briefed members of the Five Eyes – an intelligence alliance that includes Australia, New Zealand, the US and the UK – activists across the diaspora must demand their representatives take stern action against India which has the potential to send shockwaves around the world.

The move from Canada is the bare minimum that is expected of western liberal governments committed to human rights, democracy, and freedom of speech. A lot has already been shared on news outlets and much more will be discussed, but it is not enough to merely state the matter is “deeply concerning” which is a standard response to maintain political appeasement amongst voters and powerful allies.

Now is the time to keep the momentum going, hold them accountable and stay strong on all fronts. The last point is as important as any other, perhaps even the most important in respect of the Khalistan movement to establish Sikh sovereignty. To illustrate why, I’d like to briefly revisit an episode for Sikh history.

In 1707, Bahadur Shah approached Guru Gobind Singh and asked for military assistance from the Khalsa, in his upcoming battle campaign with his brother for the Mughal throne. The Guru accepted his request but imposed some conditions, namely that once Bahadur Shah was in office, he would hand over the perpetrators responsible for the brutal massacre and killing of Sikhs. Bahadur Shah agreed, the Khalsa were duly dispatched by Guru Gobind Singh who also joined the Battle of Jajau at a pivotal stage, which ensured Bahadur Shah victory. The Guru and the Khalsa delivered on their side of the agreement. However, soon after he took over the Mughal throne, Bahadur Shah reneged on his part of the agreement. The lesson to learn from this ordeal lies in what came next.

The Guru did not plea with Bahadur Shah. He did not send any more envoys or representatives to hold Bahadur Shah accountable. Instead, he bestowed the duty of delivering justice for the Sikhs to Banda Singh Bahadur and the Khalsa who as history holds, delivered on the Guru’s decree within a couple of years and in doing so not only brought the perpetrators to justice but established the first post-Guru period manifestation of Sikh sovereignty – the Khalsa republic (1710-1716).

Whilst the current geopolitical circumstances are such that Sikhs are seeking to hold various democratically elected representatives in their host nations to account for India’s atrocities, the Khalsa remains independent from those worldly dealings, and reserves the Guru-ordained decree to deliver justice on its own terms.

Assassination of Bhai Paramjit Singh Panjwar

Bhai Paramjit Singh ‘Panjwar’, chief of the Khalistan Commando Force was assassinated today around 6am. He was shot at by gunmen on a motorcycle whilst he was out for his morning walk near where he lived in Johar Town, a suburb of Lahore, he died at the scene. Bhai Paramjit Singh had been declared ‘one of India’s most wanted’ for his prominent role in Sikh resistance.

Bhai paramjit singh panjwar

Bhai Paramjit Singh Panjwar has a long history of commitment to the Sikh struggle. Bhai Sahib left his worldly career in 1986 and joined the revolutionary work of the Khalistan Commando Force (KCF). Bhai Paramjit Singh assumed command of the KCF in 1990 following the 1988 martyrdom of his cousin, the legendary guerrilla commander Shaheed Jathedar Bhai Sukhdev Singh Ji, who is widely known through his nom-de-guerre ‘General Labh Singh’. Upon taking command of the KCF Bhai Paramjit Singh relocated to Pakistan around 1992, from where he was able to command Sikh insurgent strikes in India for many years.

In November 1992 Bhai Paramjit Singh’s 75 year old mother, Bibi Mohinder Kaur was abducted from her home by Indian police officials. In 1994 a case was brought against the then ‘Station House Officer’ Jagdeep Singh and Deputy Superintendent of Police Ashok Kumar. Jagdeep was promoted to Assistant Inspector General, and Ashok died of natural causes during the decades long so-called investigation that in only in 2023 declared Jagdeep a ‘proclaimed offender’ as he did not attend a hearing, allegedly he had been relocated to Canada.

The impunity enjoyed by Indian forces and the treatment of the families of Sikh jujahroos and those sympathetic to the Sikh struggle is nothing new. In 1995 we saw the only measure of closure for Shaheed Bibi Mohinder Kaur when Shaheed Bhai Jaswant located her corpse among the 6,017 bodies he discovered secretly cremated by the Indian state:

Shaheed Bhai Jaswant Singh Khalra’s last speech in April 1995

Bhai Paramjit Singh, like other Sikh guerrilla commanders exiled in Pakistan, has long been a target of Indian security forces. From the initial reporting it’s clear that the Indian media had an inside line to what occurred today in Pakistan. News18 were the first media outlet to report, followed minutes later by Hindustan Times, both outlets reported that there were two shooters involved and the exact location of the shooting, his residence in “Sunflower Society Johar Town”. It’s obvious from this information that these particular details can only have come from Indian forces. Other key indicators of the involvement of the Indian state is how widely verbatim reporting is being proliferated across India media channels, and the social media activity of bot accounts and Indian nationalists celebrating the death of “wanted terrorist and Khalistan Commando Force (KCF) chief”. This line is being repeated across accounts.

This most recent assassination of Bhai Parmjit Singh ‘Panjwar’ represents a larger pattern of Indian forces carrying out clandestine activities in Pakistan to target Sikh militant leadership. On 27th January 2020 Jathedar Bhai Harmeet Singh ‘PhD’ was assassinated by Indian operatives. His bhog was an important moment of reflection on the Sikh struggle. Even before this and following this there have been multiple attempts to assassinate other Sikh militant leaders in Pakistan.

Hopefully the Panth remembers his commitment to the struggle and declares Bhai Paramjit Singh a Shaheed of the Khalistan struggle. We leave you with the fearful remembrances of the Indian state when they heard the name of the panthic warrior and general that was Bhai Paramjit Singh Panjwar.

“Leader of the separatist group, the Khalistan Commando Force, 41-year-old Paramjit is wanted for reviving the Sikh insurgency, murder, conspiracy and smuggling arms.”
- Indian Express, 4th Dec 2008, New Delhi

“Panjwar had been arranging arms training to youths in Pakistan and remained engaged in supplying of arms and ammunition and subsequent infiltration into India for targeting Very Important Persons (VIPs) and economic installations. He had been broadcasting highly seditious and separatist programmes on Radio Pakistan, intended to incite minorities against the Government of India.”
- Indian Express, May 6th 2023, Amritsar.

“He was a key conspirator of the 2010 high-velocity twin bomb blasts in Patiala and Ambala cities. He has also been cited as the kingpin of the 2009 killing of Rulda Singh, head of Rashtriya Sikh Sangat, an offshoot of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh,”
- Wion News, May 6th 2023, New Delhi

“Panjwar was wanted for reviving Sikh insurgency, murder, conspiracy and smuggling of arms in India. He was also wanted for the murder of former army chief General AS Vaidya and for the country’s biggest bank robbery in Ludhiana.”
- News18, May 6th 2023, New Delhi

Being the Siblings of the Sahibzade

ਹਮ ਰਾਖਤ ਪਤਿਸ਼ਾਹੀ ਦਾਵਾ । ਜਾਂ ਇਤਕੋ ਜਾਂ ਅਗਲੋ ਪਾਵਾ

“We hold the assertion of sovereignty, in this world or the next”

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This year there’s been a marked shift in how Panthic naujawan have been thinking and speaking about the month of Poh and the Shaheedi of the Sahibzade. This shift has been building for a number of years, it is the shame shift that Sant Jarnail Singh Jee Khalsa Bhindranwale and the Shaheeds of Khalistan mobilised to bring about - to centre the Patshahi of the Guru-Panth. The shift in discourse that Panthic naujawan have undertaken is seen manifested in the chatter on Sikh social media, there’s been a clear turn away from imposing the White European “holiday season” upon the Sikh public discourse of Poh. This may seem inconsequential but when we look at the wider context that this shift is occurring in then its significance is highlighted.

Our work at NSYF has been to hold space for this wider context, to look at Sikhs by continually striving to centre an understanding of the conditions of the generational liberation struggle the Panth has been engaged in since Guru Nanak Patshah refused to wear the Janeaou. These conditions and shift that’s required to think outside the imposed world view of the oppressor has been articulated with precision by Shaheed Bhai Jaswant Singh Khalra.

As marked as the shift has been, there is still a lack of clear articulation on what the Sahibzade’s shaheedi actually means beyond a “historic/religious” event, a generalised narrative of “sacrifice” and “faith”. There is a disconnect in English expression on exactly how profound the Shaheedi of the Sahibzade is, and how the Sahibzade exist as indestructible pillars of MiriPiri.

The youngest children of Dhan Sri Guru Gobind Singh Jee, like countless Shaheeds gave their lives willingly to became the bricks of the foundation of Sikhi. They confronted a government that wanted to eradicate Sikhs and Sikhi in order to destroy the challenge to power that our Patshahi (Sikh sovereignty) represents. This challenge is not rooted in opposition to one particular historic imperialism such as the Mughal Darbar, but to the question of power itself. This is why Sikh resistance is to domination and exploitation itself, whatever form that might take, the Mughal Darbar, colonisers, or their projects like the Indian state.

Dhan Mata Gujar Kaur Jee prepared the bodies and minds of our beloved siblings to face the manifested power of these temporary rulers and assert the sovereignty of the Guru-Khalsa. This was what the love Mata Jee shared with the Sahibzade demanded, to be honoured by remaining defiant. Today the siblings of the Sahibzadeh have largely forgotten what that love for Sikhi asks of them, and bow their heads freely to the descendants of tyrants in the hope that they can share power, but the power, of the Khalsa is different, it can only be found in the Darbar of Sahce Patshah, the Guru.

The lesson of the Sahibzadeh is to never acquiesce to tyrants, to place no faith in their promises, have no hopes of sharing their power. Their defiance asserts that our Patshahi will remain intact through Shaheedi. These humble children of the Guru entered the Mughal Darbar, and their heads did not bow, even to the doorway, made purposefully low, so even the heads of great warriors would bow to the egotistical authority and power that makes such architecture of domination.

Their siblings of the Guru-Khalsa-Panth married death on the fields outside Chamkaur Sahib, singing their wedding songs with the Khanda of the Khalsa, covering the earth with flowers made of droplets of blood.

The younger Shaibzade would face a different battle in the same war. These young Khalse were offered titles, power, and positions, - by accepting the world of the Mughal Darbar they were offered life, marriage to “royal blood”, if only they laid down their weapons, surrendered their sovereignty, and accepted the sovereignty of the Mughal Darbar.

The young Khalse knew the game being played, the game of liberation or annihilation, they knew their place in the world crated by Akaal, and what the true power bestowed upon the Panth is in reality.

Today Sikhs bow their heads, in many different ways, to the oppressive power of the state. They serve that power with the childlike hope that they can reform it. They accept titles and positions and marriages of power. They claim that working in the system is true power, is logical, is sensible. Such adults that don’t know the game being played, become blinded pawns in their eagerness to serve and to please. How can they teach Sikhi to the Sahibzade of the Quam?

The True Khalse of the Guru sees past all such illusions. They willingly embrace all the consequences of defiance. They choose to live free for eternity, and when their sacred blood spills the roots of Sikhi are watered.

The story of the Sahibzade is not “history”, their sacrifice is not a tragedy, their spirit and defiance is alive within the soul of the Panth, waiting for the nurturing of mothers like Mata Gujar Kaur and Sant Jarnail Singh, so that this spirit of Patshahi can be understood and expressed.

Today we look to the Shaheeds of Khalistan for inspiration in our time, they are the ones who laid their lives down to join their siblings to become bricks on the foundation of Sikhi.

The Battle of Amritsar and the Shaheedia for Khalistan brings this spirit to life today. Only those soorme can claim to be siblings of the Sahibzade in the truest sense. Like the Sahibzade they understood where the Panth stands: sovereign for eternity.

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The Khalsa Shall Rule and None Shall Stand in Opposition.

Khalistan Zindabad - Long Live the Khalsa Revolution

The True Legacy of KPS Gill

Hartosh Bal is a prominent journalist and political editor of the Caravan magazine which prides itself as being a “David amongst Goliaths” print outlet. They boldly state on their main page that they “investigate powerful people, uncover scams, hold governments to account and report hard facts on conflicts and crises, all because “we are independent of any outside interests.” The Caravan recently became the first news organisation from India to win the Louis M Lyons Award for Conscience and Integrity in Journalism, set up by the Nieman Fellows at Harvard University, “in recognition of its unique and uncompromising coverage of the erosion of human rights, social justice, and democracy in India”.

As a journalist, Hartosh Bal also has a reputation for integrity when holding Modi’s Government to account for his authoritarian hyper-nationalist leadership and his proximity to the RSS and its fascist Hindutva project. Bal was even fired from a previous position due to his work creating political “enemies”.

It is therefore disturbing and disappointing to read that when it comes to the Khalistan Sangarsh (struggle), and in particular the ‘Butcher of Panjab’, KPS Gill, Bal starkly contradicts his image as a bold advocate for human rights and accountability, and instead obscures mass human rights violations to protect the image of his own uncle. This article will bring Bal’s unsavoury journalism into focus and demonstrate why they undermine the reputation Bal has built.

Hartosh Bal and the Butcher of Punjab

Kanwar Pal Singh Gill held the highest ranking police post in an Indian state as the Director General of Police (DGP) in Punjab from 1988 till 1995. He was brought in specifically to violently crush militant Sikh resistance that the Indian state deemed a terrorist insurrection. Sikhs fought an armed conflict with the Indian state principally between 1984 and 1995. The ‘Punjab insurgency’ as it has come to be known, was a decade long civil war with Sikh insurgents declaring their ultimate goal as the separation of East Punjab from India and to form a sovereign ‘Khalistan’.

“Operation Rakshak ("Protector") II, the counterinsurgency operation that ultimately crushed most of the militant groups by mid-1993, represented the most extreme example of a policy in which the end appeared to justify any and all means, including torture and murder. It was a policy that had been long advocated by senior police officials, in particular Director General of Police K.P.S. Gill, who has had overall authority for counterinsurgency operations. The goal of Operation Rakshak II was to eliminate, not merely arrest, the militant Sikh leadership. Gill also expanded a bounty system of rewards for police who killed known militants -- a practice that encouraged the police to resort to extrajudicial executions and disappearances.”

Dead Silence: The Legacy of Human Rights Abuses in Punjab. Human Rights Watch, Asia Staff, Patricia Gossman, 1994 

While we are used to Indian nationalists, particularly those on the ‘Right wing’, praising KPS Gill for his murderous counter-insurgency methods, it is unheard of for a political editor of a magazine that prides itself on speaking truth to power, “uncompromising” on human rights, to staunchly defend Gill’s methods as “strategic brilliance”. Although Bal accepts that he could never be unbiased towards Gill because Gill is his ‘mama’, or maternal uncle, the fact that Bal celebrates this controversial former ‘Director General of Police’ as a hero should be troubling for those standing against mass atrocities which underpin state oppression. 

To my knowledge during his time at the Caravan, Bal has never mentioned his personal connection and opinion regarding KPS Gill in any of his pieces.  This is peculiar given Bal writes regularly about Panjab and its politics. 

On the event of KPS Gill’s demise on 26 May 2017, Bal was perhaps compelled, to take a more public stance leading the eulogies at Gill’s memorial, and in a written piece published by Scroll (interestingly not through the Caravan), in which he made a concerted effort to try and paint a picture of his uncle as a defender of democracy.

“Liberal democracy survives in Panjab today because kps ensures that it does”.

Bal’s article rearticulates the state sanctioned violence of Gill by once again silencing the thousands who suffered at the hands of Gill. There are two main troubling themes throughout the piece by Bal in Scroll. One is an acknowledged bias toward Gill that develops into whitewash, with a cast iron refusal to voice the opposing and overwhelmingly comprehensive arguments against him, and the second is the violence towards Sikhs by erasing Sikh voices. In particular those that support the secession of Khalistan have their humanity and their agency stripped away from them, as not being able “to think for themselves”.

Lies, Damn Lies and Statistics, the Doubtfulness of ‘Data’

Bal’s argument centres on the idea that KPS Gill is “largely misunderstood”. Bal claims that the “brutal” moniker is undeserved, and that such allegations could be “endlessly debated with words” but Bal would rather “stay with the numbers”. In doing so, he attempts to swiftly take the reader away from the thousands of victims of State oppression, immediately, and just as violently, silence their voices. Bal pleads that we give credit based on the overall situation in the state, not from “isolated incidents or anecdotal reportage”. The “isolated incidents" he hints to, are the closest he comes to acknowledging mass human rights violations, torture, custodial rape, and summary executions of thousands of Sikhs under Gill’s supervision.

Quoting data from the Institute for Conflict Management, Bal says that during Gill’s stints as DGP there was an overall decline in “killings” (police murder), compared to Gill’s predecessor and successor. However Bal fails to mention that the institute he quotes from consists of a handful of people, and was founded and headed until his death, by none other than KPS Gill himself, while the current executive director is Ajai Sahni—KPS Gill’s son in law. 

It is astonishing that as a veteran journalist, Bal does not, at the least, find it a conflict of interest to quote Gill himself on statistics of deaths during the State’s counter-insurgency violence, especially, when the main charge against Gill is that under his direction his officers abducted and killed thousands of Sikhs, and then disposed of the bodies secretly as “unidentified”. Surely Gill’s claims about how many people died and the distinction between civilian and militant, is questionable and cannot be relied upon.

Bal then ignores all the opinions including national and international human rights organisations such as Ensaaf, Human Rights Watch (HRW), REDRESS, and the Center for Human Rights and Global Justice, who in May 2006, issued a call to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) for the investigation and prosecution of former police chief KPS Gill for torture and murder charges. Instead, he quotes Gill’s own articles in which Gill paints himself as police officer extraordinaire.

Hiding Systemic Injustices and Overlooking Sikh Shaheeds

Bal eventually moves on to deal the work of Jaswant Singh Khalra and the thousands of Sikhs who were abducted and killed by Indian security forces. The claim that KPS Gill enacted systemic violence against Sikhs dogged Gill for his whole career and following retirement, the remainder of his life. Indeed it can be argued that Gill’s actual legacy is in the failure of his spectacular campaign of inhuman repression that sought to dehumanise and erase the Sikh liberation struggle for Khalistan, which remains a potent challenge to the political integrity of india. 

Inexplicably, instead of challenging Gill’s bold claims that “false encounters” (the police murder of suspected militants and sympathisers) did not take place*, Bal interrogates the 25,000 figure of disappearances often quoted by human rights groups, a figure which was extrapolated following the findings at three crematoriums in Amritsar, Majitha and Tarn Taran. Bal in defence of KPS Gill, claims that this is inaccurate because different parts of Panjab experienced different levels of violence, and hence it was not accurate to use figures at 3 crematoriums to calculate all the “disappearances” in Panjab. 

Leaving these failures aside for a moment and the fact that Bal has yet to condemn the findings (that at the very least, 2059 Sikhs were murdered and cremated as “unidentified corpses”), the more objectionable omission is the refusal to mention Shaheed Bhai Jaswant Singh Khalra. It appears the reason why Bal prefers to present and argue numbers, is that when faced with real examples, the sordid truth about his uncle comes to the surface. 

Jaswant Singh Khalra was a human rights activist who upon chasing up leads about missing Sikhs, discovered the grisly secret of how Indian security forces were murdering and disposing thousands of Sikhs ‘unofficially’. It was Khalra who made the discovery at the 3 crematoriums.  

Continuing in bias, rather than question why the State at this point did not call for an immediate investigation into the discovery of thousands of murdered and illegally cremated bodies, Bal proceeds to question the veracity of these figures, and why a small sample was used to generate an estimate. This gives the false impression that the larger figure of 25,000 across Panjab is a “fabrication”. Bal misleads the reader, as he knows full well, that the reason a full investigation was not possible across Panjab, was that KPS Gill ordered and personally oversaw the abduction, torture and murder of Jaswant Singh Khalra. Khalra had announced during a press conference that he was not going to rest until he investigated the full extent of the killings across Panjab. He had been warned and threatened to desist with his investigations, and whilst being fully aware of the risks of becoming a statistic himself, he continued valiantly. He accepted his fate and told the people of Panjab, to hold the Chief Minister Beant Singh and DGP KP Gill responsible for his impending disappearance and death.

The impunity Indian security forces enjoy was once again demonstrated when Khalra was abducted in broad daylight from his home on the 6 September 1995, under the direct orders of KPS Gill, who he referred to as the ‘Chief of Oppression’. Khalra was detained, tortured, and murdered by the police, his martyred body dumped in a river. The details of his death and Gill’s involvement only came to light due to a station officer’s miraculous attack of conscience. Special Police Officer (SPO) Kuldeep Singh, who was present when Khalra was detained, came forward and confessed his involvement in the custodial murder. Even with such evidence, it took a decade for 6 low level police officers to be convicted, during which time the senior officers who were responsible, DSP Ashok Kumar and SSP Ajit Sandhu had died. Worse still, KPS Gill was completely immune from prosecution and not even questioned by authorities about his involvement despite testimony of his involvement. 

It is an insult to the sacrifice of brave Panjab human rights activists such as Khalra, that Bal writes off their just cause as “petty human rights movements”. Bal who reminds us at every opportunity that he worked in Panjab as a journalist, should have more respect for those who paid the highest price for exposing the brutality of the Panjab Police:

“Those who attempted to investigate the abuses were also targeted. Jaspal Singh, the president of the Ropar district branch of the Punjab Human Rights Organization (PHRO), was detained by the Punjab Police on August 16, 1993. He was released on September 1, 1993, only after his case received widespread international and domestic publicity. Other human rights activists have been targeted since 1991, including Ram Singh Biling, district secretary with PHRO, who disappeared after he was detained on January 3, 1992; Jagwinder Singh, a lawyer who disappeared after he was detained on September 25, 1992; Justice Ajit Singh Bains, also with PHRO, who was detained for four months in 1992 and Malwinder Singh Malli, another activist with PHRO who was detained for seven months in 1991.”

Human Rights Watch (1993) 

Bal does not acknowledge this repression, although they feature in international reports, and thus doesn’t ask the obvious question that if mass “disappearances” were not being carried out, as claimed by KPS Gill, why did the Panjab Police target and murder journalists and human rights activists, who were investigating these so-called disappearances? 

Refuting Human Rights Organisations

“The liberal mind is unwilling to believe that peace or liberal democracy needs force for the rule of law to establish at times” [sic].

Bal labours on to claim that respected International Human Rights organisations such as Human Rights Watch are partly responsible for the state killings of Sikhs in Panjab to suppress the Khalistan movement, because they term “terrorism” as “militancy” (a description Bal describes as “cringe-worthy”) and distort facts to build a false narrative. Gill is targeted, Bal stresses, not due to his brutality, but because he was most capable, and because he succeeded. Although he repeatedly refers to the allegation of brutality which Gill wore as a “badge of honour", he is careful not to actually delve into. 

"Simply put, the facts in Punjab do not support the narrative built up by organisations such as the Human Rights Watch. For such organisations, Gill is a target not because he was the most brutal officer in charge (as the numbers suggest quite the opposite), but because he was the most capable, because he succeeded. They have done so to avoid facing up to the truth that a policy of healing hearts and minds in a state where terrorism never had the support of more than a tiny minority led to the worst bloodletting, a bloodletting in which the confusion they continue to propound by calling terrorism militancy, was culpable. The Khalistanis endorse this because nothing suits them more.”

‘Lessons not learnt: The Left and Right have distorted KPS Gill’s success against terrorism’, Hartosh Bal in Scroll 2017

The credit for “peace” (enforced silence) in Panjab Bal claims ought to go to Gill’s “strategic brilliance”, and that those who accuse him of succeeding through barbarity “do not know what they are talking about”. Bal doesn’t however want to discuss what it is they are talking about. Despite mountains of documents and reports, and a larger count of dismembered bodies, Bal conveniently sidesteps this whole issue. 

The brutal approach the people of Panjab were subjected to—which Bal is desperate to forget—included:

• Mass killings of those involved or associated with the Khalistan movement, including their family members.

• Torture on a mass scale, used to instil fear and repress support for the Khalistan movement.

• Mass custodial rape, and rape used as a weapon against Sikh fighters and civilians

Findings of organisations vilified by Bal

In 1994 Human Rights Watch produced a comprehensive report ‘Dead Silence: The Legacy of Human Rights Abuses in Punjab’, following a fact-finding mission to Punjab in October 1992.

“The price of the government's apparent success against the separatists is the legacy of these abuses: a corrupt and brutalized police force whose resort to murder and torture has been sanctioned by the state as an acceptable means of combatting political violence.”

“the fundamental purpose of torture appears to be to inflict severe physical and psychological pain in order to destroy the dignity and will of individuals and to repress potential support for political opponents by indiscriminately targeting members of certain political groups or social communities.”

Those interviewed include serving police officers:

“Once I became a police officer in Punjab, I realized that torture is used routinely. During my five years with the Punjab police, I estimate 4,000 to 5,000 were torture at my police station alone”

Another officer confirmed that this was not subordinate officers acting with a free reign, but rather this was policy, and incentivised:

“Torturers are selected on the basis of their mind setting: For example, one who shows a tendency. If he does not comply, he will be suspended or dismissed. Mostly, they do it drunk. Then, after they get accustomed to it, they do it sober. There is no extra pay, but he expects favors, like an out-of-turn promotion. An SI may become DSP in just a few months for torturing”

This was one of several victims of torture the researchers interviewed in Panjab:

“I was stripped naked and beaten many times. My legs were stretched apart and the iron roller was used on my legs. A wooden rod was placed behind my knees and my legs were pressed towards my buttocks. They brought in a young man who was badly tortured. "He has agreed to tell us about the militants," they said. "If you do not disclose anything, you will be shot and your body thrown into the canal."

When PHR's Dr. Iacopino examined A. in March 1994, he had striking physical evidence of the abuse he described. There were areas of marked atrophy (tissue loss) and fibrosis (scaring) of both left and right anterior thigh muscles, consistent with extensive muscle damage from the roller method of torture. There was a twelve centimetre surgical scar present in the right lateral chest wall where a large hematoma was said to have been removed and a two centimetre surgical scar in the left groin area. There was a bony deformity and callus formation present over the left shin, indicating a possible old fracture where the roller had been applied. 

“The US State Department reported on the case of Kulwant Singh, a lawyer, who was killed along with his wife and child after all three were detained on January 25, 1993, by police from the Ropar police station. Chief Minister Beant Singh reportedly agreed to order an inquiry into the killings but backed down when confronted with police resistance.”

U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1993, February 1994

In 2005, in response to the extradition of Sikh militant, Kulbir Singh Barapind, diplomatic cables published by Wiki Leaks report that the US were informed that in addition to Sikh militants themselves, their families and friends were tortured as a matter of policy:

“Editor Avinash Chopra stated that Barapind's relatives were tortured in 1988-89 as a matter of procedure, and that the police routinely tortured and/or killed terrorists' families and associates.”

Canonical ID:05NEWDELHI9513_a

According to Bal however Amnesty, HRW, US State Department, CDDP, MASR, etc either “do not know what they are talking about” or “distort what happened”. Instead Bal digs deeper into his dehumanisation of resisting Sikh bodies to provide cover for complaints of gross and widespread human rights abuses, by claiming that “Jatt Chittar de Yaar Hondai ne”, loosely translated: “Peasant Sikhs in Panjab are fond/lovers of being beaten”. This perverse and insensitive stereotype is a grotesque justification for mass human rights violations which encourages the use of brute force as a matter of policy. 

Perpetuating Police Corruption and Violence

Bal has made no reference to any of the large number of senior police officers, who served under KPS Gill, who have been charged, convicted and sentenced for extortion, torture and murder.

Although Bal refers to Gill’s “strategic brilliance” there is no mention in either Bal’s article or speech of the infamous “Black Cats” championed by Gill. In terms of strategy, the Black Cats, secret paramilitary groups, were set up to carry out actions too heinous to be committed in police uniform, and had devastating effect in targeting the civilian supporters or political proponents of Khalistan:

“During the Punjab militancy of the 1980s-1990s, Additional Director General of Police (Administration) Mohammad Izhar Alam assembled a large, personal paramilitary force of approximately 150 men known as the "Black Cats" or "Alam Sena" ("Alam's Army")…The group had reach throughout the Punjab and is alleged to have had carte blanche in carrying out possibly thousands of staged encounters, according to Indian NGO and press reports. Gill publicly praised the group and said the Punjab police could not have functioned without them.”

Wiki Leaks Cable Canonical ID:05NEWDELHI9513_a

While Bal may not mention them, Black Cats and other brutal and illegal practices of Gill’s subordinates feature in international reports, and it is clear from the Wiki Leaks cables that international governments were fully aware.

While Gill enjoyed blanket immunity until his death, his protégés have come under increasing pressure from family members of victims, who have braved police excesses themselves. Despite an apathetic, often complicit attitude from the judiciary and long-term harassment from the police, these families have struggled for up to 3 decades in order to pursue the culprits in India’s infamously delayed and corrupt legal system. 

Some of the Police officers, who were protected by Gill and received out of turn promotions to the highest echelons of the Panjab Police include:

Sumedh Saini, former DGP of Panjab Police: An arrest warrant has recently been issued for murder charges relating to the murder of Balwant Singh Multani in 1991. Two of his police officers at the time, and who were co-accused, have confessed that it was upon Saini’s orders that 28 year old Balwant, a junior engineer was picked up by the Chandigarh Police. Gursharan Kaur, a lawyer by profession, had also been detained with her husband and young child and has come forward as a witness in the case:

“The next day, on 12 December, we were taken to Sector 17 police station and there Multani was also present, in a very bad shape, having been subjected to brutal torture. I cannot even describe his state.” She said that on the night of 13 December, “Sumedh Saini came and he kicked Multani, and he and his men savagely tortured him. He was lying on the ground, unable to even stand. Multani was begging Saini to forgive him and there were wails and cries … in the verandah in the morning, he was lying in a very bad state… his eye was popped out and he was bleeding profusely”

The Caravan, May 2020

One of the police officers involved, Jagir Singh, confessed to his involvement and gave evidence against Saini. Jagir Singh confirmed that Saini had tasked the officers to fabricate false charges including the manipulated recovery of a pistol and falsifying records to show that he had escaped, even though Multani had already been killed in police custody. 

Jagir’s statement further details that Saini had personally kicked Multani so violently while he was already incapacitated on the ground that he caused massive facial injuries including the rupturing of his eyeball out of the socket. Saini, former trusted lieutenant of KPS Gill, who protected his officers from prosecution while he was alive, then sat and directed the torture including the thrusting of a wooden staff up into Multani’s anus, causing massive internal injuries which ultimately led to his death in detention. Like thousands of others, the police claimed he escaped and then secretly disposed of his body.

This is only the tip of the iceberg. Ensaaf, a non profit organisation investigating the forced disappearances in Panjab, have uncovered evidence that links Saini to the illegal disappearances of at least 159 people. That number is increasing as investigations continue, with over 30 senior police officers implicated in a similar pattern of abduction and murder in hundreds of cases.

It is astonishing that Bal has very little if anything to say about the charges against Saini, and what they tell us about Gill’s legacy. If Bal honestly believed Gill and his trained successors were defenders of democracy, he would be outraged by the revelations. The truth is that he knows very well, as does everyone, hence the complicit silence.

In order to frame this perfect legacy of Gill, Bal doesn’t mention the assassination of Chief Minister Beant Singh at all. The assassination of the Chief Minister, who enjoyed the highest level of security in the country, was carried out by his own police officers. 

After witnessing first hand what the police was being made to do by Gill and Beant Singh, Panjab Police Officers Balwant Singh Rajoana, and Dilawar Singh, made up their minds to stop the killings and made contact with Babbar Khalsa to help them. 

While Dilawar Singh was killed in the explosion that took the Chief Minister’s life, Rajoana was arrested shortly after. He refused legal assistance and made a full and frank confession that he and his companions had taken the move in order to stop Beant Singh, who had given orders to the police and other agencies in Panjab to kill thousands of innocent Sikhs at the behest of Delhi (Central Government).

Bal and Gill, a tale of Heroization

“In our times that word hero can only be applied to one man, and he [Gill] is that man.” - KPS memorial speech by Hartosh Bal

Decades of investigations and reports into the extent of the mass abduction and killing of Sikhs in Panjab, in order to quell the Khalistan movement cannot be reproduced in this article. Neither should they be. Hartosh Bal is a veteran journalist who is fully aware of what has been happening. 

This is why it is deplorable that Bal not only heralds Gill as a hero, but claims policy makers ought to learn lessons from him. In regards to torture, Bal claims that torture is widely practiced across India, thus “accusations” of torture during the Khalistan movement should be expected.

When Bal claims to stand against human rights abuses and accepts that torture is widespread in India he must then also be aware of the history and reality of how and why torture is employed by Indian Secuirty forces. Bal must also be aware of the internal and international condemnation of torture practiced by the Indian state.

When Bal makes the appalling justification that Sikhs enjoy beatings, an idea rooted in racist coloniser logic that non-white peoples can only be subdued through violence, he furthers the Otherisation of Sikh bodies in a manner consistent with India’s colonial moorings that underpin its treatment of dissenting minorities.

Hartosh Bal minimises, justifies, and erases State violence committed against Sikhs through his efforts to rehabilitate the public image of his uncle based on a selective depiction of Gill’s legacy. Bal demonstrates his awareness of the political reality of the Indian colonial project when he suggests that holding KPS Gill accountable would be to hold him to ‘higher standards’.

Given Bal’s reputation, and that of the Caravan, it is absurd for Bal to justify government sanctioned and rewarded genocide masked as ‘counter-insurgency’. After all that is the realm in which KPS Gill gained his monikers of “butcher”, “brutal”, and “Chief of Oppression”.

Bal has attempted to erase and avoid any discussion of Gill’s wrongdoings and its place within the suppression of minorities, particularly Sikh activists, in Punjab.

Through his use of poor statistical analyses, his refutation of Sikh activists and their work uncovering state sanctioned killings, and direct attacks on the work of human rights organisations, Bal perpetuates police corruption and impunity. By heroizing KPS Gill, Bal demonstrates a distinctive lack of integrity as well as a lack of reflection entirely unbefitting of a journalist. 

It is absurd for Bal to hold Gill as a shining example of democracy, the rule of law and justice. A person responsible for the torture and killings of an inconceivable number of innocent Sikhs can be many things, but only a hero to the State that celebrates him as a “super cop”. The families who continue to stand against a pervasive fascist State which has protected and rewarded murderers, are the real heroes.

*Gill claimed repeatedly throughout his career and in retirement that false encounters did not take place, that he led the most humane counter insurgency operation in the world and that the thousands missing were “missing with the consent of their parents and relatives and their whereabouts were known to their families” - The Tribune, 19 January 1995

Shaheedi of Bhai Satwant Singh and Bhai Kehar Singh

On January 6th we honour the Shaheedi of Bhai Satwant Singh and Bhai Kehar Singh. 

Often indian mainstream propaganda is perpetuated in Sikh circles, which simplifies the story of these Mahaan Shaheed (great martyrs) and robs their jeevani (life story) of its richness. Bhai Beant Singh and Bhai Satwant Singh are painted as having acted spontaneously, in a reactionary fit of rage, in assassinating the then indian prime minister, Indira Gandhi. 

In reality having decided upon the action several months before, they spent their time developing a relationship with Guru, building up their rehit (Sikh discipline), through daily darshan (connection) of Sri Guru Granth Sahib ji, until they felt ready to take Amrit. They even took the risk of travelling to Panjab, to visit Sri Darbar Sahib, and do an Ardas in front of the Akaal Takhat for agaya (permission) and strength at the feet of Guru Hargobind Sahib Ji for their mission.

The mainstreamed narrative states that Bhai Kehar Singh was not involved in the assassination plan and was simply executed for being related to Bhai Beant Singh. However Shaheed Bhai Kehar Singh was the one who not only inspired Bhai Beant Singh and Bhai Satwant Singh to take this revolutionary action, but it was under his guidance and tutelage that these police officers and soldiers were prepared and transformed into the two lions of Guru Gobind Singh we eulogise today. Bhai Kehar Singh perhaps knew most profoundly what this journey would entail, and this spirit is reflected throughout his imprisonment and refusal to comply with the indian authorities or be bent to their will. In his last meeting with his wife Bhai Kehar Singh told Bibi Jasbir Kaur that he’s ready for death: “he said it is God's will and he was ready for death, that Sikhs have sacrificed in the past. This is a continuation of our past.

In his last visit with his family Bhai Satwant Singh’s mother says: “he touched my feet and said “I am ready for martyrdom, I will die with my head held high, I will never let down my community,'' Mata Pyar Kaur said after meeting for 15 minutes with her son.

Shaheed Kehar Singh and Bibi Jasbir Kaur (akal chalana 7th oct 2017)

A huge disservice is done in the memory of these Qaumi Shaheeds, where their Kurbaani (sacrifice) is not seen in the correct context, and they are portrayed as being disconnected from the uprising in Panjab, and unconnected with the Khalistan Sangarsh. Not only are they Shaheeds of the Khalistan Sangarsh, but their actions paved the way for the current armed struggle. While the June 1984 Battle of Amritsar, laid the foundations for Khalistan, on 31st October 1984, Shaheed Bhai Beant Singh and Shaheed Bhai Satwant Singh launched the first Vaar (strike), on behalf of the Sikh Qaum. 

It must be remembered that it was not until April 1986 that the January 1986 Sarbat Khalsa announcement of Khalistan was ratified and officially declared by the Khalsa Panth. The Sarbat Khalsa recognised the Kurbaani of Shaheed Bhai Beant Singh (who was Shaheed on 31st October 1984 whereas Bhai Satwant Singh and Bhai Kehar Singh attained Shaheedi on 6th January 1989) and gave him the honour of being a Qaumi Shaheed. While India had been waging an undeclared war on Panjab and the Sikhs since the partition of Panjab, resulting in countless Shaheedia, the three Shaheed are remembered fondly because in their first action, they eliminated the head of enemy. The irony of having taken out their Queen in our first move, is more so given that those who call themselves “indian” pride themselves of having invented Chaturanga (Chess).

A few details in their Jeevan illustrate the deeper meaning and depth to their actions. 

The actions taken by these Shaheed were not personal, they were acting as the Khalsa on behalf of the entire Sikh Qaum, and were very conscious of their actions, and how it would reflect on the Qaum. They acted for example according to the rules of engagement of the Khalsa, not attacking anyone else other than the enemy, they refused to escape even when the security forces had fled from the scene in fear. They wanted to make a political statement, their actions were considered, and they wanted to take full responsibility, give a full account, lest the assassination be swept up in conspiracy theory and myth. 

Being stationed at the Prime Minister’s residence, they had plenty of opportunities to complete their mission any day of the week. However, their mission was not simply to assassinate the Prime Minister, it was a huge step for the Chardi Kala of the Sikh Qaum, and hence they wanted to have the blessing of the Guru. Taking extra time to prepare themselves as Gursikhs, meant that they would remain steadfast before and after, in the face of torture and the inevitable hardships on their families. They would not falter and maintain the dignity of the Sikh Qaum until the last breath.

ਕਿਆ ਜਾਣਾ ਕਿਵ ਮਰਹਗੇ ਕੈਸਾ ਮਰਣਾ ਹੋਇ ॥

Who can know how they will die, what death will be like.

ਜੇ ਕਰਿ ਸਾਹਿਬੁ ਮਨਹੁ ਨ ਵੀਸਰੈ ਤਾ ਸਹਿਲਾ ਮਰਣਾ ਹੋਇ ॥

If I do not forget the Sovereign Creator from my mind, then my death will be easy.

ਮਰਣੈ ਤੇ ਜਗਤੁ ਡਰੈ ਜੀਵਿਆ ਲੋੜੈ ਸਭੁ ਕੋਇ ॥

The world is terrified of death; everyone longs to live.

ਗੁਰ ਪਰਸਾਦੀ ਜੀਵਤੁ ਮਰੈ ਹੁਕਮੈ ਬੂਝੈ ਸੋਇ ॥

By Guru's Grace, one who dies while yet alive, understands.

ਨਾਨਕ ਐਸੀ ਮਰਨੀ ਜੋ ਮਰੈ ਤਾ ਸਦ ਜੀਵਣੁ ਹੋਇ ॥੨॥

O Nanak, one who dies such a death, lives forever. ||2||

Bhai Satwant Singh was shot several times, he was tortured, and imprisoned for over 4 years in solitary confinement. In contrast to the dignity the Shaheed carried themselves with, the indian state purposefully left a bullet lodged in Bhai Satwant Singh’s spine to cause him anguish. In Chardi Kala, Bhai Satwant Singh used the difficulty sleeping caused by the bullet, to immerse himself deeper into Gurbani. Tyaar Bar Tyaar, as he was, he consumed several kilos of almonds a week (his only request to his family), his jailers were shocked to see someone on death row doing hundreds of press ups and squats while reciting Gurbani.

He mentioned the bullet was the only thing causing him pain to his father during a prison visit, and Bapu Trilok Singh, casually responded “Oh son, this is out of my hands, only your Dasam Pitha can help you”. To the family’s astonishment, Bhai Satwant Singh took this literally and upon Ardaas to Guru Gobind Singh miraculously the bullet dislodged from his spine, and he was able to cut it out of his back himself.

Justice R. S. Sodhi, then an advocate, represented Bhai Satwant Singh and will never forget their last meeting, on the day of the execution. A sombre Sodhi asked Bhai Satwant Singh how he was feeling, Shaheed Bhai Satwant Singhs who by now was completely merged with Gurbani, fittingly recited this Shabad as his last words:

ਕਬੀਰ ਮੇਰਾ ਮੁਝ ਮਹਿ ਕਿਛੁ ਨਹੀ ਜੋ ਕਿਛੁ ਹੈ ਸੋ ਤੇਰਾ ॥

Says Kabeer, nothing is mine within myself. Whatever there is, is Yours, O Creator.

ਤੇਰਾ ਤੁਝ ਕਉ ਸਉਪਤੇ ਕਿਆ ਲਾਗੈ ਮੇਰਾ ॥੨੦੩॥

If I surrender to You what is already Yours, what does it cost me? ||203||

Seeing that the Indian State and its entire machinery was unable to break this beloved pair from the Guru, seeing such Gursikh walking in Chardi Kala towards their Shaheedi, gave their families immense strength. Led by Bapu Trilok Singh the family welcomed the Shaheedi of their beloved, standing outside Tihar Jail defiantly doing Jakaaray.

An unfortunate reality of this entire episode of our golden history is that even those these two Soorme (brave Sikh warriors) were imprisoned for 4 years before they were hanged very little is known about their time in prison. This has been a subject of research for NSYF for a number of years and with the agaya of the Guru and the Ardaasa of the Sangat we will be able to present a comprehensive account in the near future. If you have any primary source information that you would like to share please email info@nsyf.org.uk