Countering Narratives of Extremism

The below article by Ranveer Singh was featured on Naujawani and Sikh PA and received a great response on social media. The article challenges the specious dialogue that attempts to create a narrative of sikh “extremism” although this dialogue is deeply flawed its implications can be far reaching; as we have seen in recent times with hate crimes, racism and targeting of Sikh Gurdwareh.

 

As an activist and writer I appreciate the importance of providing an informed perspective when it comes to matters affecting the Panth. Knowledge of Sikh history, ideology and polity provides an educated and competent viewpoint. Everyone is entitled to an opinion and any attempt made to open dialogue on matters affecting the Sikh Panth must be commended. That said, one’s opinion of Sikh affairs will lose any iota of credibility if it is devoid of Gurmat inspired analysis. That is and always has been the benchmark for resolving Sikh affairs.

An article entitled ‘Sikh Extremism‘ was recently published on the Critical Muslim website. Seemingly out of place, a few paragraphs in, it becomes clear why this piece is on the site along with articles such as “The Top 10 Jihadi Janes”.

Written by Sunny Hundal, the article sensationalises a handful of protests and the behaviour of a few individuals to tarnish a whole community as having an “extremist” issue. The author has a track record of denigrating members of the Sikh community with his offensive and mostly ill-informed articles. The real issues which he attempts to discuss lose focus due to his belligerent vilification of the Sikh community with misguided viewpoints that only serve to create controversy. This latest article of his catapults aimlessly from one issue to another in an attempt to provide support for his proposed theory of “Sikh extremism”. He relentlessly babbles on about the threat of division within the Sikh community with twisted evidence that is grossly out of context.

In opening, he refers to the xenophobic behaviour of two individuals who supported the fascist groups, the BNP and EDL in 2005 and 2010. The author then compares the isolated behaviour of the aforementioned individuals to what he terms “puritanical” Sikhs, thus demonstrating the existence of a division in his own mind with the more “liberal” Sikh. His oxymoronic depiction thus dictates the tone of his entire article and exposes the flaws in his understanding and analysis of Sikh history, ideology, psyche and current affairs. Branding one side “religious extremists” and another “liberal”, he instantly tarnishes one group whilst simultaneously painting a positive perception of the other. He appears to show concern over a “growing movement of puritanical Sikhs”.

This division which the author talks about exists because of his perceived (mis)understanding of Sikh affairs, which is contrary to Sikh polity and Sikh ideology. There can be no “liberal”, “conservative” or “secular” Sikh, as suggested by the author. These terms are a relatively new occurrence created to cause division – rather than point out division – amongst the Sikh Panth. Derived from the democratic political spectrum, the terms hold no relevance within the Sikh Panth. Secularism, a term used to describe the separation of state and church, is a foreign concept for Sikhs and an affront to the concept of Miri-Piri. This is what I like to term classic neo-colonial objectification; trying to define and view a community and its institutions within the constraints of a foreign system, the master’s system. The Guru challenged such systems and instilled a spirit amongst the people which not only saw them clash with empires and Governments for their exploitative and suppressive ways but also saw them challenge the manipulation of religion by high ranking priests who had misled the people into idol worship, superstition and empty rituals. 

The Guru’s mission was to empower the plebeian cause and he created the Panth as an example of how an egalitarian society should function. The implementation of concepts such as Halemi Raj, Miri-Piri, Sarbat da Palla, Sangat and Pangat all serve as a testament to this fact. The Guru created a Sikh, whose very existence throughout history has been enough to challenge all the xenophobic and bigoted societal norms. Guru Nanak’s Sikh is liberal by nature. Yet Sunny Hundal still feels the need to create a sub-category of Sikh, as if to distinguish between those in tune with Sikhi and those on the “conservative” periphery. The idea that a Sikh who follows the Guru’s mandate is the same today as they would have been in the 15th century seems to create some discomfort for him.

These labels can be traced back to the systematic categorisation of Sikhs during the colonial encounter. This manner of division is counterproductive to the Sikh narrative and must be challenged at every opportunity. The prospect of walking the Guru’s path, as shown by the Guru and great Sikh scholars, poets and warriors, is not enough for some new age followers of Sikhi. They feel compelled to label those traditions and codes of conduct as archaic. This is done to justify their own bastardisation of the order; to suit their lifestyle, to claim they too follow Guru Nanak but only on conditions which fit around their own interpretation and implementation of the Guru’s instruction, thus creating a total paradox of Sikhi. Hundal seeks to validate this paradox just to seemingly create a point of discussion which he then becomes a self-made expert on.

Unsurprisingly, Hundal’s use of the term “religious extremists” is swiftly followed by a short and ill-equipped reference to the events of 1984 and the continued suppression of Sikh political activism. The author deems both to be as big a problem as his perception of “Sikh extremism” which he alleges “can fuel hate crimes”. Statements such as this – that unresolved issues around 1984 are as big a threat to the Sikh community as Tommy Robinson appearing on the Sikh Channel – are where Sunny Hundal loses all credibility and descends into the realms of absurdity. Has he forgotten the peaceful agitations made to discuss and resolve the denial of social, economic and political rights of the people of Panjab before the Government of India responded with tanks and machine guns? Has the author no knowledge of how Sikhs in Panjab have been systematically robbed of their rivers, land and their language? At what point will it cross the author’s mind to consider any real destabilisation of Panjab and the Sikh community is/was orchestrated by the violence of State sponsored military operations? Instead the author wishes to condemn the actions of those who justifiably agitate for a separate Sikh state. Who are the real extremists in all of this? As a Nation, the Sikh community has been in a constant state of war with those who wish to dilute the Sikh way of life. When Sunny Hundal labels Sikhs “extremists” based on his own petty interpretations, he either unknowingly or maliciously supports this war against the Sikh Panth.

Next, the author attempts to build his case for the “extreme Sikh” by turning the reader’s attention to the general racial and religious intolerance shown by Asians in Britain before delving into a personal story from his days at university. He ends this section by questioning the efforts of the ‘Sikh Awareness Society (SAS)’ who work tirelessly to highlight the problem of sexual grooming in the UK. The murky depths of grooming circles in the UK largely perpetrated by Muslim men has only recently come to light. SAS have been speaking about this issue for over a decade. Sunny Hundal has the audacity to state that the Sikh girls targeted by Muslim groomers were not targets for conversion, rather for sexual exploitation alone. It is strange of him to say this after admitting a leaflet was found to encourage Muslim men to convert Sikh girls in the mid-90s. It seems he will not let facts get in the way of demonising Sikhs, instead suggesting the SAS were speaking out to create anti-Muslim sentiments. This is his own conclusion based on his own knowledge and experience. It is in no way conclusive or accurate, and citing a “BBC Asian Network investigation” on the issue does not validate his claims either.

So why did the author choose to make such an absurd claim? Well, he is building towards his favourite topic of inter-faith marriages; a topic in which he fails to recognise that much like most of the problems we face amongst the Sikh diaspora, the issue of inter-faith marriages is very simple. The Anand Karaj is not your conventional “wedding ceremony”. Most “marriages” in other faiths are legally binding contracts between man and wife regulated by the law of the land. The Anand Karaj at no point specifies responsibilities or duties commonly found in orthodox wedding vows. That is because the Anand Karaj ceremony is a union of two Sikhs (in my opinion practicing Sikhs, so there is no confusion over how one defines a Sikh), with the Guru. The first laav is effectively a declaration of allegiance to the Guru and the Sikh way of life. All four stanzas of the Anand Kaaraj are about commitment to the Guru. This is something that is completely undeniable fact, yet remains largely ignored in debates on the topic. So for someone to get “married” by way of an Anand Karaj, it is only logical that they are a practicing Sikh, otherwise what they are doing would simply be hypocritical. To partake in an Anand Karaj without fully embracing the Sikh faith belittles Guru, which is why this entire subject causes much distress to practicing Sikhs who hold our Guru in the highest regard possible. Taking part without this reverence for the Guru is usually done to appease either family, friends or a partner, or to do what is required of a “Sikh”. Allowing only Sikhs to part take in an Anand Karaj is not “discrimination against non-Sikhs” like the writer has alluded to, rather it is the most logical method to adopt for anyone that wishes to respect the Guru.

With regards to the author’s vilification of the Sikh protestors: on 23rd August 2015 the Sikh Council UK (SCUK) facilitated a meeting in which over 180 representatives from UK Gurdwaras passed a resolution that only a Sikh, in accordance with the Sikh Rehat Maryada definition, is allowed to participate in the Anand Karaj ceremony. To do something other than this is simply bending the rules for personal appeasements, which not only devalue the Anand Karaj but also question the validity of the Sikh Code of Conduct. Sikhs do not need to adhere to anyone else’s view of what equality is other than our Guru’s. Furthermore, in a statement televised on Sikh media outlets, the SCUK recognised the efforts of those who protest against inter-faith marriages and described them to be in line with Sikh principles.

The author then jumps on the topic of protests made by “dozens” according to the Guardian, regarding the film Nanak Shah Fakir. Whilst I agree the calls of blasphemy seem a little far stretched, the author makes a mountain out of a mole-hill. With many Sikhs believing the film should have been allowed to have been shown, it is an issue that calls for dialogue between Sikhs, something which Sunny Hundal himself looks to prevent by simplistically labelling protesters “extremists”.

Hundal also provides a brief analysis of Panjab which provides no real substance or wider context to the social problems faced by women, or even men for that matter. The writer wrongfully implies the problems exist explicitly as a result of the shortcomings of the Sikh community, ignoring actions imposed on the State of Panjab by the central Government. As a journalist he discredits himself when discussing the issue of female infanticide in Panjab by not mentioning the Sikh Guru openly declared anyone taking part in this practice can no longer be called a Sikh. Yet, “Sikh extremist” remains his most sellable product, so he ignores the fact this stems from cultural and not religious issues. I concur with the Hundal’s comments regarding the silence of UK Sikh leaders on issues such as honour killings, however most of the social problems referred to are due to the imposed cultural tendencies in Panjab that create this type of behaviour amongst the diaspora. Such behaviour has no place in the teachings of the Guru. There is a difference between cultural behaviour and conduct based on the teachings of a certain faith. It seems this subtle difference is lost on many, including the author. In this light, maybe to make his article less absurd he could have named it “Panjabi Extremism”.

An insinuation from Sunny Hundal that 1984 was the tipping point for a defensive mentality where everything reverts to discussions of Khalistan among the Sikhs is unfounded and misleading. The movement for a Sikh homeland began with Guru Nanak when he founded the city of Kartarpur with subsequent Guru’s building more cities and raising armies to fortify Sikh space and ward off acts to undermine Sikh sovereignty. This is a fact lost on many people today, partly due to colonial history, partly due to the continued suppression of Sikh political activism by the Indian Government and its agencies and partly also due to the ignorance of misguided writers and academics.

In the closing paragraphs the author showcases his limited understanding of how an independent Sikh homeland would look. His rhetoric appears to be based on classic anti-Sikh propaganda churned out by the Indian Government. The author suggests Khalistan would be a theocratic state, with little explanation for why he believes this to be the case. It is glaringly obvious that the author needs to be educated on Panthic matters so that he can hold informed and intelligent discourse on the subject of Khalistan.

The culture of sexism and alcoholism as categorised by Hundal is not a challenge faced by the Sikh community alone, it is a problem faced by every single society on this planet. Due to the soul-draining demands of capitalism, people are glorified based on their gender, women are used as symbols of sex and multi-billion dollar companies have a frighteningly expansive advertising budgets to market and sell alcohol. Instead of disproportionality placing the blame with the Sikh community, how about starting a conversation to tackle the problem of sexism and alcoholism at its root?

The author has left the most bemusing and laughable statement till the end; “they [the Sikh community] haven’t yet addressed how to keep Sikhs within the fold even if members start to adapt to different lifestyles and cultures”. This is Sunny Hundal at his oxymoronic best. The Sikhs have never relied on numbers to uphold the House of Guru Nanak. If a Sikh adapts to a different lifestyle and/or culture which advocates anything contrary to the tenets of Sikhi then they are no longer a Sikh. It is that simple. Historical precedence shows when 40 of the Guru’s Sikh left Him during war, he didn’t label them apostates, he simply allowed them to follow another path in that moment. When they later approached the Guru to re-join the Panth, he allowed them back in to the fold. The chali mukte (40 liberators) themselves did not attempt to legitimise their stance by saying to their Guru “we will still be Sikh, but we are just pacifist Sikhs that no longer wish to fight”, they understood the position of their Guru and agreed they would no longer be his Sikhs after leaving his side. They were Sikh as long as their conduct and actions defined them as Sikh.

This article is in no way intended to deny the serious issues that affect Sikhs which the author mentions. However, the tabloid-esque manner of his reporting, combined with a clear lack of understanding of Sikhi itself, do more to harm than help relations within the Sikh community. It must also be noted, that along with the relatively small rise of things such as Anand Karaj protests, is a comparatively massive rise in seva (selfless service) by Sikhs. Statistics compiled by the Sikh Press Association show approximately 10,000 meals a week are served to the needy on the streets of the UK by Sikh charities. There is also the recent opening of a free education centre (the first of its kind opened by a minority community in the UK) and increased encouragement towards practices such as meditation and community integration, all stemming from UK Sikhs maintaining a more adherent approach to Sikhi.

Contrary to the author’s belief, Sikhi will continue to prosper under what many will deem the direst of circumstances, as it has done since inception. The Sikh Panth has faced many external foes but it has learnt that the most destructive enemy is one which lingers within. It would seem the latest threat comes from the many self-appointed writers and commentators who attempt to promote this pseudo Sikh lifestyle and condemn those who follow the Guru’s system as too puritanical. It would be more beneficial for them to reflect on their own actions and try walking the journey, before judging those on the path.

 

The effects of Abrahamic & Brahminical influences on Sikhi

I recently read a number of English translated excerpts from ‘Sri Nanak Parkash’, the original work of which was written in Panjabi by Kavi Santokh Singh during the 19th century. The primary source for this voluminous book was the hagiography of Guru Nanak by the supposed Bhai Bala. In the past I have often read the English translation for many other historic Sikh writings too, including Gurbani itself.

However, this latest read has led me to question those English translations, which I now believe are swamped under an inevitable quagmire of Abrahamic jargon. They also contain a myriad of misleading references to Hindu mythology.  Not only is this evident in the translated work of Sikh poets, scholars and historians but this interpretative phenomenon has also fathomed itself within the Guru’s word, due to the many English translations of Gurbani available on the internet; all accessible via applications on smartphones. I wonder if we are at risk of creating a generation of Sikh who solely rely on these warped English translations that subsequently result in the Sikh losing sight of the Guru’s core message. The over reliance on such translations is also giving rise to a naïve and ignorant portrayal of Gur-itihaas and a distorted understanding of Gur-sedant.

The erroneous translations not only threaten the distinct philosophy of Guru Nanak, which is fundamental to Sikh sovereignty, but they inevitably lose authenticity as words are literally lost in translation. One such inference is the incorrect reference to the term “avtaar”. The word “avtaar” ordinarily means birth, however in Hindu mythology it is used to describe the descent of a “heavenly deity”. The Guru specifically states that many Beings referred to in Hindu scriptures were in fact once kings in different periods of time but due to the work of their followers, the kings were raised to the status of “avtaars” (in the Brahminical “heavenly diety” sense). Speaking in Raag Aasaa the Guru states that the exploits of the kings ruling in various ages were sung as the feats of avtaars (ਜੁਗਹ ਜੁਗਹ ਕੇ ਰਾਜੇ ਕੀਏ ਗਾਵਹਿ ਕਰਿ ਅਵਤਾਰੀ). In the previous two lines of this pangti the Guru explains how the Brahmin was given four Vedas to read and understand, however unable to understand the experience of ਹੁਕਮੁ (perpetual command/law of nature), the helpless Brahmin was condemned to wander aimlessly, thus creating demi-gods of worldly kings.

We must be careful not to describe Guru as an “avtaar” in the classic Brahminical context.  The translation of Bhatta de Svaiya is of particular concern. There are 11 Bhatts that have been included in Guru Granth Sahib. Many English translations have wrongly suggested that Bhatt Kalh (also referred to as Bhatt Kalhashar) has referred to Guru Nanak as an “avtaar” in the orthodox Brahminical sense. Firstly, let us provide some general context to the Bhatta de Svaiya of which there are 123 starting from Ang 1389 and concluding at Ang 1409.

The word ‘bhatt’ is derived from the Sanskrit word “bhrit” used to describe mercenaries who fought for their masters and were full of praise for their greatness. Mahan Kosh too describes the word “bhatt” to mean those people who sing the praise of great personalities. Historically originating from Rajasthan around the 9th century the Bhatts have been recorded to have had two main duties, namely expression of praise and expression of bravery. They attained the highest religious and Vedic education available to the people of their time. When the glory of Guru Nanak reached the Bhatts they immediately sang spontaneous praises of the Gurus, thus their verses were included in the Granth, a sign of the Guru’s sovereign authority and his intent to reinvent religion and faith as it was then understood. Let us consider one of the Svaiye of Bhatt Kalh. This common English translation is taken from Ang 1389 (found on most Gurbani search engines today):

“Kapila, and the other Yogis sing of Guru Nanak. He is the Avataar, the incarnation of the Infinite Lord. Parasraam the son of Jamdagan, whose axe and powers were taken away by Raghuvira, sing of Him. Udho, Akrur and Bidar sing the Glorious Praises of Guru Nanak, who knows the Lord, the Soul of All. KAL the poet sings the Sublime Praises of Guru Nanak, who enjoys mastery of Raja Yoga”.

ਗਾਵਹਿ ਕਪਿਲਾਦਿ ਆਦਿ ਜੋਗੇਸੁਰ ਅਪਰੰਪਰ ਅਵਤਾਰ ਵਰੋ ॥

ਗਾਵੈ ਜਮਦਗਨਿ ਪਰਸਰਾਮੇਸੁਰ ਕਰ ਕੁਠਾਰੁ ਰਘੁ ਤੇਜੁ ਹਰਿਓ ॥

ਉਧੌ ਅਕ੍ਰੂਰੁ ਬਿਦਰੁ ਗੁਣ ਗਾਵੈ ਸਰਬਾਤਮੁ ਜਿਨਿ ਜਾਣਿਓ ॥

ਕਬਿ ਕਲ ਸੁਜਸੁ ਗਾਵਉ ਗੁਰ ਨਾਨਕ ਰਾਜੁ ਜੋਗੁ ਜਿਨਿ ਮਾਣਿਓ ॥੪॥

When we read the Gurbani, in context, it becomes evident that Bhatt Kahl is not stating that “Guru Nanak is the avatar, the incarnation of the infinite lord”, as implied by most of today’s Gurbani search engines and applications. This is a weak and inaccurate English interpretation of Gurbani. When read in context to the rest of the Svaiyas it is clear that Bhatt Kahl is stating something very radical for its time. He states yogis such as Kapila (who was the founder of the Sankhya philosophy, prominent throughout the Bhagavata Purana and Bhagavad Gita) sing of and deem beings such as Jogesur (which according to Mahan Kosh is a reference to Krishna and Shiva) to be divine avtaars; just like Jamdagan and his son Parasraam (characters prominent in the Puranas) sang; just like Udho (from Mahabharat and the Bhagavata Purana), Akrur (famous commander of the Yadava army in the Bhagvata Purana) and Bidur (devotee of Krishna, mentioned in Mahabharat) praise those whom they deemed to be ਸਰਬਾਤਮੁ (the soul of all). In the last line of this particular stanza, Bhatt Kahl then concludes that he sings of Guru Nanak, the one who mastered ਰਾਜੁ ਜੋਗੁ (political science, not to be mistaken with “Raja Yoga” as erroneously described in English). This is the first pangti in which the Bhatt explicitly refers to Guru Nanak. It is no coincidence that Bhatt Kahl first talks about worldly kings and their “spiritual” inclinations, and then concludes that Guru Nanak perfected that union best, in the truest manifestation. In that last pangti, Bhatt Kahl dethrones the demi-gods that have been worshipped for 2000+ years, and places Guru Nanak higher than them all.

Take a look at the previous Svaiye and those that follow immediately after and one will notice a pattern in the style of the Bhatt’s writing. There is a constant reiteration that whilst others sing of self-acclaimed/self-appointed “divine avtaars”, the Bhatt sings the praises of Guru Nanak, who truly embodied all that is wonderful and magnificent in the universe.

It is so important to read and understand Gurbani in context, and not interpret one pangti via the limits of the English language. The English translations are so weak that they offer different meanings of the same word throughout the Svaiyas; on one hand they suggest that these characters from Hindu mythology are singing the praises of Guru Nanak, on the other they suggest they are singing praises of “His” virtues (presumably this “His” being a reference to the divine). There is a constant over-reliance on Abrahamic terminology which is highly detrimental to Sikh psyche because Gurbani is so vast that any attempt to translate it into English causes the core principles to be lost in translation.

The Guru’s glory does not lie in the continued comparison to Hindu deities and demi-gods, rather it manifests in the Guru’s condemnation of such deities; unique to the Guru’s Shabad. The Guru tells us in Anand Sahib ਵੇਦਾ ਮਹਿ ਨਾਮੁ ਉਤਮੁ ਸੋ ਸੁਣਹਿ ਨਾਹੀ ਫਿਰਹਿ ਜਿਉ ਬੇਤਾਲਿਆ (in the Vedas, the ultimate objective is ਨਾਮੁ, but they cannot hear it, and they walk around like demons). Notice the Guru’s choice of using ਸੁਣਹਿ ਨਾਹੀ, it is very purposeful and very definitive. The glory of the Guru further manifests itself in his actions to challenge the status quo, uplift society, oppose tyranny and establish righteous rule. There can be no admiration for those who seek to compare or liken the Guru to other “divine beings” be they prophets of one faith or saints of another because to do so would place them on par with Guru Nanak and we know through his word and his actions that the Guru was far greater. He was truly revolutionary in ideology and in action, on a spiritual and political level. This is awe-inspiring and far more empowering than any anecdotal reference to the Guru being the Ram or Krishna of Kaljug. Sikhi stands out because the Guru challenged the very foundations of religion and politics within society and the Guru’s Sikh have followed the example of standing for truth no matter what the consequences.

Historically the Sikh Nation has not concerned itself with attracting followers for a strictly numerical advantage, nor has it fought a battle to simply win. The emphasis has always been on making a stand for the continuation of the movement, for the betterment of the Panth, even in the face of inevitable death. Our concerns should not be focused on telling the world about Sikhi if rather ironically that understanding of Sikhi is based on the English translations of some white colonial folk who defined Sikhi to be an “ism”. Guru Nanak’s ideology challenged everything and is not a religion as taught in RE or ashamedly regurgitated in the same vein across Gurdwaray today. A thorough understanding of the Guru’s dialect will reveal the Guru’s true mission, which in turn would ensure the Sikh of today are not misled by the enigma of English translations that are littered with fallacious references to Hindu mythology and wrongly converted to mirror the tenets of an Abrahamic reference to “god”.

The Guru is unique for many reasons, however perhaps the most exalting of them all is the notion of ਮਨ ਤੂੰ ਜੋਤਿ ਸਰੂਪੁ ਹੈ ਆਪਣਾ ਮੂਲੁ ਪਛਾਣੁ (O mind you are the embodiment of divinity, recognise your root origin).  This idea challenges other doctrines which place an emphasis on searching for an external divine experience. The Guru showed the people of this world the true origin of divinity. It does not miraculously drop from a “heavenly abode”; it is not reserved for a certain man-made caste; it is not exclusively reserved for one race, gender, colour or creed. The light of true divinity resides within each and every being, it is innate and humans have wandered aimlessly for years thinking it is outside; in a sun; a stone; in a messiah; in the clouds; in another; so much searching some have even given up hope of looking and deny it’s very existence. The Guru’s spiritual message goes hand in glove with the emphasis on social and political involvement in Sikhi. Where others promote renunciation and exclusivity based on gender and social status for gains in spirituality, the Guru promotes societal involvement and inclusivity of all as a means of abetting spiritual emancipation.

The Guru spoke truth; such truth which challenged the social norm created by religious bigotry and corrupt governments, all of whom were guilty of misleading the people. What he spoke of on a spiritual, political and social level was a threat to the powers that controlled the masses. There are many Sikh who mistakenly believe religion and politics to be diametrically opposed to one another, however the Guru intertwined the two with the establishment of Miri-Piri. For this revolutionary act he and his movement has been targeted, imprisoned and assassinated, but still the movement continues because the Guru taught his Sikh to continue the righteous battle even if it took them to the brink of annihilation. The Khalsa Panth was bestowed with the task of establishing Khalsa Raj in 1699 and while others have endeavoured to capture political power for personal and hegemonic means, those who are in tune to the Guru’s Shabad, the Guru’s beloved, have always striven to acquire political power for the chardikala of the Panth. Over three centuries later, having fought many a battle and despite the onslaught of attacks to dilute and weaken Gurbani and Guru inspired actions, the movement lives and it yearns to breathe the air of freedom.

May the Flag and Insignia of the Sovereign Remain Forever Free

The Panthic Kafla (caravan: collective migration towards a common goal) has been moving under dubious guidance for far too long, it's during adversarial circumstances that we truly see how well we are being led. Our Panthic Nishaana (national objective) has always been sovereign rule and nationhood.
 
Whilst those that claim to represent the Sikh community advocate peaceful protest and continue to pursue the status-quo, the Indian state continues to violently disregard dissent and demonstrate it's complete intolerance for Sikh political activism in pursuit of independence. When the Panth faces adversarial circumstances the collective resistance we put up is not only a measure of our Panthic ability, our understanding of the conflict that we are engaged in is demonstrated by the methods we employ in our defence.
 
Our challenge as Panthic activists is to build on the foundations laid by generations of Sikh revolutionaries. As Bapu Surat Singh Ji takes inspiration from the legacy of Quami Shaheeds, and acts in full awareness of the larger context of the Panthic Nishaana, Khalistan, we too must act in a way that is true to ideals of Sikh Sangarsh, and Khalistan.
 
The Diaspora, Sikh youth in particular, are increasingly vocal on Panthic matters that arise in Panjab, and the responsibility lies in the hands of Sikh activists to ensure that the narrative that is presented is true to Sikh Ithihas. Far too often the Sikh position is compromised by well-meaning yet ill-informed individuals. We must be mindful, use the correct language and build using Panthic constructs, and abandon the methods and imposed ideas of our former colonial masters.
 
I believe the greatest injustice and deceit of colonialism (aside from the immense human tragedy), is to convince the native that their cultural constructs and their forms of governance are archaic, backwards and not relevant. The master instructs the colonised native to prefer the methods he invents and controls, further entrenching colonial constructs in the mind of the native. This results in obedience to subtly destructive alien ideas and ideological stagnation. We cannot pursue our freedom unless we use our own ideals and our own constructs, in Sikh spaces that speak to our history of resistance, our culture and language, all of which have been suppressed. 
 
The methods we are employing today are not only flawed, they show a lack of understanding of the nature of the ideological warfare we have been engaged in since Guru Nanak refused to don the Janeou (sacred Hindu thread). We are catering Panthic activism to suit the masses, victim to capitalism, we are turning Panthic revolt in to a product that is easily digestible to the target audience and easy to market to the wider world. As activists we should be inspiring our fellow Sikh to rise to the challenges presented to the Panth, not moulding our struggle to fit slacktivists. Of course we need an element of popular support but it cannot come at the cost of the ideology of the movement itself, at the cost of our Panthic Nishaana. This idea that we need to validate our movement by explaining it in a way that is palatable to a western audience is self destructive and insults the legacy of the great individuals that have been martyred for the freedom of Panjab; as is attested by our history, the children of Panjab will be the only ones to bring back freedom to Panjab.
 
Nowhere is this dynamic greater demonstrated than in the advocation for the use of peaceful protest. We have managed to completely distort this concept to suit our needs and in the process, undermined it's legitimacy as an initial method of resistance. The words 'peaceful protest' assume an inherent escalation, they are employed as a means of civil disobedience to sound out a challenge to authority and warn of further action unless the issues are resolved. For Sikh peaceful protest has meant causing interruption to the state's infrastructure and economy through methods such as 'Panjab Bandh' (shutting down of businesses) and 'Rasta Roko' (blockade of transport network). When faced with the threat of police action Sikh have openly courted arrest, in 'Jail Dakho' actions (large numbers of Sikh getting arrested to fill up prisons).  
 
Presenting flawed petitions to governments (especially in the case of the diaspora where host governments have continually made clear that they have little power and no desire to demand anything from India) without plans to thoughtfuly escalate the issue further, is not peaceful protest. Asking human rights organisations to validate our struggle and issue statements to tell us what we already know is not peaceful protest. Asking the media to cover our struggle and then standing by as they label us terrorists and write inaccurate, untrue and biased pieces is not peaceful protest. These methods are our attempt at mitigation of responsibility, we employ these methods with no plan of escalation and little coordination, they serve to make us feel good, to quantify the redundancy of our Panthic-ness. We hide behind these flawed methods. Perhaps one of the most infuriating aspects of this misuse of peaceful protest is the constant pursuit of "awareness". Awareness is an intangible thing, we have made thousands of collective tweets and posts, and we’ve seen “celebrity” endorsement and media coverage. Yet Bapu Ji is abducted at the discretion of the police and the issue lies no closer to resolution. This is an ongoing issue and Bapu Ji is symptomatic of a larger struggle. He is not the first Bapu nor the last to make a stand for the Sikh pursuit of nationhood and Azaadi.
 
The only people that face the consequences for our misuse of peaceful protest is us, and by “us” I mean the activists on the ground in Panjab. We wrongly believe that peaceful methods will lead to peace but they lead to violence as the state is an inherently violent entity. 
 
We in fact create the space for violence and leave our people open to attack and abuse. There forms a void between the limits of our peaceful activism and the state desire for violence. There is a moment of silence as the state takes a measure of the resistance that is forming before it, as the state confirms that the methods employed are without power, it steps in and fills the void with violence. Our misuse of peaceful protest is contributing to this violence. The state has a monopoly on the use of force, yet this is not an idea that we subscribe to as Khalseh, our very existence challenges this idea. Have we become so afraid of war that we turn a blind eye to injustice in the name of peace? The Gurus knew that in the pursuit of nationhood, conflict with the state is inevitable, that is why they prepared us for war. Today it seems we have completely abandoned the to think about the reality of the conflict we are engaged in.
 
The state knows clearly that legitimate peaceful protest will ultimately revive Sikh political activism, this is why they seek to misdirect our efforts through coordinated violence and propaganda. In the diaspora Sikh media is in danger of becoming a mouth piece for the Indian state. Our media has to develop the capabilities to offer intelligent analysis, instead of presenting the propaganda of the state in raw form, completely unchallenged.
 
State representatives of Panjab, instead of representing the people of Panjab, regurgitate decades of anti-Sikh propaganda, concocted by the centre, and offer it up as "fresh insight". The Sikh of the diaspora needs to wake up, we are losing touch with more than 500 years of Sikh political activism. This is largely due to community leaders and misinformed activists who haven't put in any work into developing their understanding of Sikh political ideology and history, and haven't cultivated a revolutionary mind state. These reactionaries are guided by emotional, specious logic.
 
Our Panthic Nishaana is the pursuit of Khalistan, the foundations of which were laid in the ideology of sovereignty and the pursuit of nationhood that the Gurus nurtured for 239 years.
 
Alarm bells should be ringing when the narrative presented by misinformed activists and community leaders is the same as the narrative of the state. The state is trying it's utmost to contain Bapu Surat Singh's actions to 'human rights', 'rehabilitation', 'peaceful protest' and the ‘release of prisoners who have served their time'. Whilst at the same time the state continues to arrest Sikh activists en-mass, arrest and force feed Bapu Ji, label Khalistanis terrorists and suppress any talk of the larger context.
 
These revolutionaries are not criminals, they reject the states notions of rehabilitation, they have forsaken their human rights, facing the reality of an oppressive regime, they do not believe in peaceful protest. They have carried out revolutionary actions in an armed liberation struggle. They have been fighting every inch of the way on the road to Khalistan since their generals declared war in 1986. Their goal is victory and thus vindication. They have no desire for vindication through Indian courts. The state continues to disconnect their political struggle from the actions of Bapu Surat Singh claiming the agitation has been "high-jacked by Khalistanis", Bapu Ji is a Khalistani.  
 
"At 83 I have seen terrible injustice heaped against by beloved Panjab and its native Sikh...we must regain our liberty" - Bapu Surat Singh.
 
The Indian state is incapable of giving justice to the Sikh, fundamentally justice is not theirs to give, it is ours to take as demonstrated by generations of Sikh revolutionaries. Throughout our history we have never shied away from incarceration, death sentences, police brutality or state oppression. Today we cry out for restitution, for restorative justice, we plead for clemency, this is not a reflection of the revolutionary Sikh mind (Gurmat). Our pursuit of capitalist ideals and our desire to preserve our families, our children, our wealth, our comfortable lives at all cost, has ruined our ability to revolt, to pursue our freedom and accept with courage and pride the fruits of our struggle, whether bitter or sweet. Our actions today have reduced centuries of Sikh struggle to mere stories.
 
This narrative of Khalistan, of our pursuit for freedom, our mission to create a truly egalitarian society that Panthic Sikh minds are presenting is being demonized by the state. They claim that Panjab will once again be "plunged into a state of civil unrest and terror". This is not a warning, this is a thinly veiled threat. What the representatives of the state are saying, bristling behind their police and paramilitary units, is this: "demand Khalistan again and we will do to you what we did before, eradicate an entire generation, use rape as a weapon, sanction extrajudicial killings, torture and black cats".

Make up your mind, either you align yourself with the narrative of the state or that of the Sikh revolutionary. If you wish to represent the Sikh Sangarsh then educate yourself so that you may be true to the Sikh Sangarsh GurSikhi, and Gurmat. If you commit to this struggle then you commit to its ideals, to its demand that it be escalated intelligently, that it be victorious.

Dogma of the Indian State

On the 21st of July 2015 Manish Tewari, a lawyer and former Union minister from Panjab, published an article which appeared on the website of the Hindustan Times.

The article superbly illustrates the grotesque amount of propaganda that still continues to be churned out by the Indian State regarding Panjab and its recent history. Tewari starts with presenting an incomplete commentary of the green revolution. His opening sentence is constructed to create an image of 1960s Panjab that was moving in the right direction (due to the green revolution), followed swiftly with an inaccurate reference to the strategic division of Panjab in 1966.

Firstly, the green revolution created more problems than solutions for the people of Panjab as the introduction of chemical pesticides and genetically modified seeds gave rise to water scarcity, pests and diseases, spread of cancer and the inevitable occurrence of violence due to the socio-economic constraints on the people. Environmental activists have written extensively about the failures of the so called green revolution and the crippling affect it has had on Panjab.

Secondly Tewari states that the geographical reorganisation of Panjab came “as a reward for the gallant role played by the Punjab regiments and the people in containing and, repelling the Pakistani aggression in 1965.” This could not be further from the truth. In 1955 The States Reorganisation Commission (SRC) declared that all States in India be recognised on their linguistic majority. One year later the States Reorganisation Act (SRA) created 14 States based on this notion. 

However, the SRC rejected the demand for a Panjabi-majority state, citing that Panjabi was not grammatically very distinct from Hindi and that there was a lack of support from the people. This was based on data collected under duress by Indian media outlets which pressured the Panjabi Hindus to declare Hindi as their mother tongue. 

Naturally the people of Panjab were outraged at the rejection and sought to campaign for their rights under the SRA. Much like the campaigns against the suppressive colonial power post-1849 annexation, it was the Sikhs that spearheaded a decade long movement, this time for a Panjabi Suba in which tens of thousands of Panjabi people were arrested for peacefully protesting. In 1966 Panjab was finally recognised on linguistic grounds, however this only came after the Central Government divided the region into 3 pieces and carved Haryana and Himachal out of Panjab. The immediate result was that Panjab was reduced to a mere fraction of its size, river water was diverted and Chandigarh the capital was declared Union Territory; the control of which was held by the Central Government.

Tewari continues his diabolical analysis of post-partition Panjab by claiming that the Anandpur Sahib Resolution (ASR) paved the way for sectarian violence that “claimed more than 20,000 lives over the next two decades.” On the contrary, the ASR was a document that contained 12 Resolutions which outlined the religious, social, political and economic rights of the people of Panjab. The document actually served as a blueprint for other States in India to seek greater autonomy from Central Government, as implied in the Federal make-up of the Indian Constitution. Under ‘Economic Policy’, the document demanded the whole tax structure to be revised in such a way as to eradicate the evasion of taxes and the flow of black money. For agriculture the document sought to introduce land reform measures for improving agricultural production with a view to bridging the gap between the rich and the poor. Another demand was for all Panjabi speaking areas that fell to neighbouring States following 1966, to be returned to Panjab forming a single administrative unit. Thus Tewari conveniently omits to accurately explore the legitimate demands of the ASR.

Tewari then jumps straight to 1978, completely ignoring the events of 1975 in which Indira Gandhi was found guilty of election fraud by the High Court. The Supreme Court upheld the decision following an appeal and the Prime Minister was debarred from voting and politics for 6 years. However the very next day she introduced martial law by unilaterally declaring a state of emergency. The Press was censored and political opponents were imprisoned. Mass protests followed as the country fell to the inevitable brink of dissolution. 

According to Amnesty International, 140,000 people were arrested without trial, and it is estimated that 40,000 were Sikhs. As in the 1950s, Sikhs spearheaded the protests against the fascist ways of the Indian State. Tewari however choses to present a different narrative, instead suggesting that “militancy followed in 1980 and thousands of political activists who opposed the fundamentalist and sectarian brand of politics or, for that matter, even mere bystanders were mowed down in cold blood by terrorists parading as religious zealots.” A stark contrast to the events on the ground which arose due to the oppressive style of governance adopted by Indira Gandhi with which she struck terror across the country. 

In one paragraph Tewari instantly takes the legitimate demands and actions of the Sikhs to represent an act of terrorism carried out by a group of separatists; an approach often taken by other puppets of the Indian ventriloquist act. If Tewari had his way he would claim Guru Nanak to be a terrorist for it was he who first  instilled the Sikhs with the spirit of standing up against oppression. In the 15th century he spoke against the barbarity of Babar’s actions and in the 20th century Guru Nanak’s disciples followed suit by highlighting the tyrannical ways of Indira Gandhi.
 
Sikhs from across Panjab voiced their discontent against the abhorrent ways of the Indian State. This defiance from the Sikhs, coupled with the legitimate demands of the ASR and the Civil Rights Movement that ensued in the early 1980s, were the reasons why the Indian Army was ordered to attack Darbar Sahib in June 1984. It was an attack to violently silence the Sikh voice once and for all. 

The events of 1984 threw Panjab into Civil War, in which the Sikhs now only sought self-determination. Delhi witnessed the Sikh Genocide in the November of 1984 in which thousands of Sikhs were butchered, raped and killed on the streets of India. The years between 1984 and 1995 saw the inexplicable rise of enforced disappearances, fake police encounters and other extra-judicial killings across Panjab. According to Human Rights organisations an entire generation was wiped out. 

Peace for the people of Panjab never returned as Tewari wrongfully suggests. Badal et al have merely regurgitated the policies initially intended by Delhi. The demands outlined in the ASR are yet to be fulfilled but remain as relevant today as they were 42 years ago. 

The inhumane actions of the Indian Government crippled Panjab’s economy which has increased the levels of unemployment leading to social issues such as drugs addiction and soaring rates of alcohol consumption. These are the exact issues the ASR sought to remedy in the 1970s; one of the goals was to seek a ban on the sale of liquor and other intoxicants. The ASR also pressed for the prohibition on consumption of intoxicants and smoking in public places. 

Furthermore rates of female infanticide have increased due to the introduction of illegal abortion clinics across Panjab and farmer suicides are common place due to the bleak financial outlook of the region. Sikh political prisoners remain behind bars even after having served their jail term. One generation was destroyed with bullets and a second has been swamped in a myriad of debt, intoxicants and state corruption. Punjab is in the clutches of totalitarianism and the Indian proxy war is thriving.

Bapu Ji is the Spark

On the 16th of January 2015, Bapu Surat Singh  of village Hassanpur, Ludhiana took charge of ensuring that the dignity of an Ardas, made for the betterment of the Panth, be rightfully upheld.  An Ardas was initially made by Gurbaksh Singh who on two separate occasions failed to deliver on his word. He originally made an Ardas to commence a hunger strike in protest of the illegal detainment of Sikh political prisoners who had long served their prison sentences in India. Gurbaksh Singh maintained that he would remain on hunger strike until the Sikh political prisoners were released or until he breathed his last. The Sikh political prisoners were neither released nor did Gurbaksh Singh breathe his last; opting instead to end his hunger strike prematurely.

Bapu Surat Singh then stood up and came forward to complete the Ardas. As someone who was active during the Dharam Yudh Morcha that took place in the 1980s, Bapu Surat Singh is fully aware of the historic and current political situation in Panjab. His decision to commence the hunger strike is reminiscent of the course of action taken by Darshan Singh Pheruman, who similarly took up the mantle after another Sikh failed to uphold an Ardas, which is inviolable. In 1969 when Sant Fateh Singh violated his Ardas, that he would rather die than live in a subjugated Panjab where Chandigarh and certain other Panjabi speaking areas were broken away from Panjab; Darshan Singh Pheruman announced that he would fast unto death in the place of Sant Fateh Singh as an Ardas cannot be reneged upon. Darshan Singh Pheruman was arrested but continued his hunger strike in jail until the 74th day when true to his word, he fulfilled his pledge to the Guru and embraced martyrdom. 

In his Will, Shaheed Darshan Singh Pheruman stated, “those who had played up the drama of undertaking solemn vows before the Akal Takht to immolate themselves have, by taking recourse to lies and cowardice, captured the decision-making centres of power…the traitors of the Panth and the pious frauds, called sants, have successfully hatched an ugly conspiracy to eliminate every vestige of the wholesome influence of Sikh religion from Sikh politics with the purpose of making Sikh people slaves of others”. He continued to express how this would only be corrected with a genuine and pure martyrdom, which he successfully achieved. 

Bapu Surat Singh has encapsulated the same spirit by acting to reinvigorate the Panth; showing that the Khalsa is as resilient as ever. He has remained steadfast throughout his 176 day hunger strike, maintaining that the Ardas is one of the most potent weapons a Sikh has. An Ardas has the power to spark a revolution and awaken the Kaum. This is the reason why Bapu Surat Singh is protesting in the manner he is. Furthermore, he understands that the Panth has digressed from the decision it collectively made in 1986 during the Sarbat Khalsa when the overarching mandate for the Panth was waragainst the State. Today many have adopted an approach which contravenes that Panthic mandate. 

It is plausible to suggest that the methods deployed by the Sikh Diaspora are a genuine attempt to highlight Bapu Surat Singh’s hunger strike. However such methods give rise to ineffective measures of nurturing actual change. For example many Sikhs in the diaspora have been advised to write to their MPs and Councillors in hope of them urging their government to investigate India’s treatment of Sikh political prisoners; the purpose of which is a global condemnation of the way India governs its minority communities. Herein lies the futility of such efforts. India is an independent country and has a track record of introducing draconian laws to quell the Sikhs. Most of the political prisoners currently languishing in Indian prison cells were arrested under TADA, a law which amongst other unjust provisions, virtually criminalised free speech.  This Act was purposefully brought in to provide the Indian establishment with a means of violently silencing the political voice of Sikhs in Panjab. Although it lapsed in 1995, those arrested under TADA remain imprisoned.

Surely we’re not that naïve to think the UK government, or any other foreign power for that matter, is unaware of how India treats Sikh political prisoners. The UK government will only act in ways to serve its own interests and with the billion pound trade agreements in place between the two countries, it is very unlikely that we will ever see the UK exert any pressure on India let alone force India to release Sikh political prisoners. The MPs may acknowledge letters of complaint and respond in kind, however the reality of the situation is that that’s as far as they will and can go. Ultimately this matter will only ever be resolved by the Sikhs themselves.

It is Guru Nanak who tells us that we should resolve our own affairs with our own hands. That is why we have a duty to ensure our actions today fall in line with the Panthic agenda, which as it stands is encapsulated within the resolutions passed at the Sarbat Khalsa of 1986. In lobbying foreign governments to intervene and pleading with them to launch enquiries, we as Sikhs undermine the sovereignty of the GuruPanth. We have accepted the methods of democratic countries because they are perceived in the west to be the most effective ways of governance. However we only have to take a look at the outcome of previous attempts made by the Sikh Diaspora of relying on their host nations to intervene on humanitarian grounds. Governments in the west are not charity organisations; they are corporate infrastructures with set objectives to ensure their capitalistic needs are met under the guise of democracy. The British Empire, after all, is thriving.
 
Let us also consider the trend of taking to social media as an attempt to raise awareness. On the surface of it, social media is a good platform via which information can be disseminated to the wider public. However, as illustrated by the Arab Uprising, awareness alone will not resolve the problem at its core. During the Tunisian Revolution in 2010, as well as the civil unrest in Egypt, Yemen and Libya during 2012, thousands took to social media in an attempt to raise awareness. However the real change came on the ground by the people through grass roots activism, civil disobedience and ultimately armed resistance. 
 
The risk therefore is an over-reliance and dependency on expecting the world to stand up and unite with the Sikh cause because we furiously tweet photos of Bapu Surat Singh. The danger of social media lies in the superficial creation of digital revolutions which may appear to gather momentum, but will not accurately represent the situation on the ground and more importantly fail to retain the crux of the original objective.  A prime example of this in the case of Bapu Surat Singh is the recent emergence of the hashtag “#indiasavebapu”. This hashtag is a compromised attempt to raise “awareness”, it only serves to divert the Sikh political movement. The Sikhs are now not only begging foreign governments, but they’re now begging India to intervene and “save” Bapu. Imagine the erroneous euphoria India would create by releasing all Sikh political prisoners. The same people would then laud India to be a wonderful, democratic country that listens to the cries of Sikh people. In light of India’s barbaric regimes; where would the justice be in that? 
 
As stated above, social media can be utilised as an effective means of sharing appropriate campaigns that serve to raiseawareness regarding Sikh affairs that are in line with the Sikh narrative. The focus should be on Bapu Surat Singh’s endeavour to reawaken the Sikh Nation. He knows full well the Indian establishment will not release political prisoners and thus is willing to give his life for Sikhs to understand that as long as we refrain from delivering on the mandate created from the 1986 Sarbat Khalsa, a Sikh will continue facinginjustice and suppression.
 
The success of Bapu Surat Singh’s hunger strike will come with his martyrdom for it will show Sikhs in the diaspora that no amount of petitioning, lobbying, and pleading with any foreign judicial system will free us of our suffering. We are a sovereign people and must realise our only means of ending the suppression will arrive through the realisation of Khalistan. When Bapu Surat Singh completes his journey of walking the Guru’s path, the responsibility to continue the resistance will land on our shoulders. How we choose to act will either defeat us or spark a revolution that defines us.

Keeping The Memory Alive

We were invited to share our thoughts at the annual Holocaust Memorial Day in Tower Hamlets, London. We took the opportunity as one that helps us continue the work of owning and defining our narrative as empowered Sikh activists. Below is the speech that I read out. 

We are all a part of that energy that pervades and permeates time and space binding all of existence together. It's manifestation in our interactions takes the form of love and truth. That same love and truth that transcends culture, religion and language, it is universal, it is one.

This is the egalitarian, universal message of the House of Guru Nanak. This message, this philosophy, of truth against lies, of love in the face of hate, of compassion in disagreement, is the cause that puts the House of Guru Nanak against the way of the tyrant.

When I became a conscious and active member of my community in my early twenties I began my own journey, one that continues to this day, of connecting with the history and trauma of the attack, in June 1984, on one of the most important centres of Sikh spiritual and political activity, the Harimandir Sahib, known as the golden temple. This attack was followed by the genocide of the Sikh community in Delhi in November, and a decade of state pogroms that all but silenced the dissent of a generation, extinguishing forever the lives of thousands of young Sikhs. Today we are still trying to find and piece together the broken fragments of our history, identify those that were killed and those that survived and bring those responsible, who today enjoy political power, to justice.

With even a rudimentary grasp of Sikh history, one will find that we are no strangers to large scale violence. Our history is full of tales of extermination, being hunted, barbaric torture and destruction of our places of gathering and worship. Historically in our community such tragedy has always been counterbalanced by ‘Chardi-Kala’ the firm belief of a high and unconquerable sprit of self confidence and positivity.

So I found it perplexing that so many Sikhs today, are resigned to being victims and rely on outside agencies to deliver justice. We lack the ability to articulate fully to a wider audience, the trauma of our past and how it resonates within our community today. The tragic events of 1984 and the decade of disappearances that followed has alienated many of us from our very identity as Sikhs and our commitment to realise an egalitarian society is largely forgotten.

I have found that much of the pain that is felt within the Sikh community comes from fear and uncertainty. We don’t fully own our narrative. If you talk to many Sikhs today they’ll talk about 1984, in terms of “operation bluestar”, the military code name given to the attack on Harimadir Sahib. This is the equivalent of the Jewish community referring to the holocaust as ‘the final solution’.

I when I was asked to share my experiences today, I asked myself why do genocides happen, why does the state turn to massacre, and industrialises oppression using all of their machinery to destroy a people?

Honestly, I don’t know, but I think the answer lies somewhere between individual lust for power and misdirected collective anger. Either way I refuse to be a victim, in fact my strength as a Sikh will never come from reconciling my lot as a victim but rather by celebrating the very culture, values and deeds that made us a target of violent extermination. My very existence as a Sikh that realises what is required of me in creating a better society, is rebellion and it's my duty to stand up against oppression, to fight tyranny. By the fact that we are alive, we survive, we can build a-new and invigorate the very people that the state has tried to destroy.

ਝੂਲਤੇ ਨਿਸ਼ਾਨ ਰਹੇਂ ਪੰਥ ਮਹਾਰਾਜ ਕੇ!

Let Us Be Honest With Our People

sikh.jpg

I am against most avenues of dissent commonly taken by our community such as petitions and demonstrations. It is not only because I cannot logically see how they could, or have ever resulted in real change, but because usually the initiative is fundamentally flawed. As we approached 30 years to the battle of Amritsar in June 1984, there had been calls from various groups and individuals within the Sikh community: calling on the international community for an inquiry into the Indian Army attack, to “get justice”. However, when one asks who this international community is (in terms of its organisation); or which mechanism can hold India accountable; or even for an example of where such a campaign has resulted in justice - the voices start to go quiet.

What are the Mechanisms?

India isn’t a member of the European Union, so the obvious “International” avenue must be the United Nations. Let us look at recent conflicts, and how they have been dealt with by the international community.

This May will mark 6 years to when the LTTE in Sri Lanka was brutally destroyed by the Sri Lankan army. In doing so the Sri Lankan Army targeted civilians in a vicious bombing campaign which displaced over 100,000 people and killed over 40,000 people. Towards the latter stages of the civil war the LTTE were unable to engage in conventional warfare, as their territory had been surrounded and the army was shelling indiscriminately. Due to the huge civilian casualties being suffered, the LTTE were forced to seek a unilateral ceasefire. They refused to escape. Instead, they placed all their hopes in the International community, who they believed would force a ceasefire. No ceasefire was brokered by the International community.

The International community watched Sri Lanka massacring tens of thousands of Tamil civilians, and yet no real attempt was made to get Sri Lanka to agree a ceasefire. In other words Sri Lanka only stopped the killing when it was happy that sufficient killing had been done. Following this, some countries like the United Kingdom, voiced support for an inquiry into war crime allegations. Yet they did so through mechanisms which they know will not succeed. This, coupled with the fact that the UK has also supplied arms to Sri Lanka, calls the integrity of their ‘concerns’ into question.

In May 2009, the EU sought to pursue a motion against Sri Lanka for an investigation into the war crimes at the UN Human Rights Council, however this was unsuccessful as 29 countries of the 47 member council voted in solidarity with Sri Lanka. We must ask ourselves, was the EU in any doubt that the 29 countries, which included India, were going to vote in any other way? China and Russia for example had vetoed in all previous occasions when the EU attempted to table a resolution against Sri Lanka at the UN Security Council. In fact due to opposition from China, Russia and India, the UNHRC was forced to drop a draft resolution condemning both the Tamil Tigers and the Government. Instead, they passed resolution S-11/1 on 27 May 2009 which commended the Sri Lankan government actions, and condemned the Tamil Tigers.

The motives for countries such as China, Pakistan and Russia are clear and simple. They have vested interests in the newly developing Sri Lanka, China is reported to have provided over $1.8 billion worth of arms to Sri Lanka, and Chinese companies are involved in a number of development projects. Russia and Pakistan also both provided arms to Sri Lanka, the former even lending $300 million after the war to be spent on arms.

The veto system is often lamented, as it only needs a permanent member to reject a proposal, and it will fail. The US has used its veto significantly and consistently in support of Israel each time it is required. Just a week ago, the US Government vetoed a Palestinian proposal calling for peace with Israel and an end to the illegal occupation of Palestinian territories.

These systems only serve as a means to placate aggrieved peoples of the world, with the false hope that there is a peaceful process in which their rights can be protected and enforced. In reality, commercial and political interests reign supreme. The power of the veto cripples any such chance of justice. These systems enable Governments such as the UK to say to its Tamil citizens, “We will demand an enquiry and table a motion in the UN.” This is said in the full knowledge it will be torpedoed by another member of the Security Council. It allows them to return in ‘shock’ and ‘disappointment’ reporting to the UK Tamil community, “We tried, but it got blocked, damn those Chinese!”

If the international community were not moved when India committed genocide against the Sikhs between 1984 and the mid 90s, if they were not moved when Sri Lanka committed genocide against the Tamils in 2009, or the continuing oppression for over half a century of the Palestinian people, why would they move now?

Diplomatic Efforts through other Governments?

This is a more informal method, through which other Governments, are pressured to lobby the Indian Government.

A few years ago I volunteered for the Sikh Organisation for Prisoners Welfare. I was a member of a negotiating team which facilitated discussions with the German Government, in regards to the Sikh political prisoner Professor Bhullar. We were trying to pressure the German Gov. to lobby the Indian Gov. to either unconditionally release him from detention, or order a retrial. We targeted the German Gov. because they had erroneously deported Professor Bhullar to India, where he faced torture, a miscarriage of justice, and the death sentence (he has been on death row for 14 years).

I remember in the last meeting with the German Foreign Office, their representative behind closed doors was very frank and open. He empathised with the situation but concluded, “India is a sovereign nation, we can only ask them, but in the end India can do whatever it wants”. For me that day confirmed asking another Government to lobby the Indian Gov. was a completely futile exercise.

Countries such as the UK, USA, Canada, Germany etc could use many diplomatic means to pressure and lobby India, they could cease trading or even cease all diplomatic relations, but the question is why would they do so?

Sikhs are a small minority in these countries, and the Sikhs that try to lobby these governments are a tiny minority within that minority. Recent revelations proved the British Government’s collusion with the Indian Army attack on Sri Harmandir Sahib. At the demand of the Indian Government, the UK attempted to suppress Sikh political activities. These revelations make it crystal clear, for any Sikh still viewing the world through Gandhian tinted spectacles, that trade agreements and commercial interests have more bargaining power and weight, than abuse of Sikh Human Rights in India.

These revelations meant that the 30 years we have spent lobbying the UK Gov. were effectively useless. That the reason they have not produced any results, is that while we marched and sat outside, all along these two governments were inside playing monopoly (“I will trade you this billion pound trade deal, you silence the Sikh dissent in the UK”).

Sadly, notwithstanding appeals, petitions and protests have ever produced any results for the past 3 decades and even after the revelations that proved commercial interests will always overrule - we are still forcing these ultimately useless initiatives on our people.

Isn’t it always better to do something?

No. A movement in the wrong direction only serves to distract, divert, divide and ultimately create disillusion. There is a petition currently doing the social media rounds which is an “urgent appeal to secure the permanent release” of Sikh political prisoners and to save the life of Gurbaksh Singh. What happens if the Indian Government does not agree to this petition? The continuing detention of prisoners and the death of Gurbaksh Singh will break the hopes of the hundreds who signed in the false hope that the release was possible. These hundreds will become disillusioned, and in the future may opt to not support a Panthic initiative at all.

Let us be honest with our people. Thousands of Tamils in the UK blocked roads surrounding Trafalgar Square for a number of weeks towards the end of the Civil war in 2009 to force a ceasefire. Hunger strikes were held and the blockades were mirrored in large capitals across the western world. Yet this had little or any effect. The Sri Lankan Army stopped when they wanted to, and not a moment sooner. Why is it then that we expect more for less? If the Tamil blockade for a number of weeks was unsuccessful, why do we think our one day walk or afternoon sit-in will have more of an effect?

These routines serve up a politically correct, false alternative to real methods of change, an alternative which satisfies the part time revolutionary. It makes no apology for its impotence; it provides the desired outcome, which is why we are not outraged when they don’t work.

Let’s not feign ignorance, most of the above information can be ascertained in 10 minutes on google, yet none of the proponents of these petitions or protests will do so, just so they can play along with the façade. Don’t plead illiteracy on their part, for the average Punjabi knows the planning laws, bylaws, rules and regulations better than his local planning officer. Why are we so unprepared and haphazard when it comes to the planning and foundations of our real home?

Let us be honest with our people. We do not place our hopes in the Indian Government or its morally corrupt counterparts. If Gurbaksh Singh dies he will do so and prove that Sikhs are slaves in India. If they release the prisoners, it will be a positive outcome, but the prisoners themselves will concede that it will be a small victory in comparison to the Panth’s needs. If the Sikhs remain in prison past their sentences, they will expect nothing less. They are political prisoners. Freedom fighters. They are not “Indian citizens” as they were imprisoned to prevent the formation of an Independent Sikh homeland. Let us not talk about the probability of them “reoffending” because they are not criminals.

True solidarity with the Sikh political prisoners is to develop and progress a mindset which is in cohesion with theirs:

‘‘Whatever we did, it was not meant to save our lives. We had reformed the enemies of the Panth and those who had deceived and harmed it. Our brothers were fighting a peaceful battle. We have fought battles as were fought by Sri Guru Hargobind Sahib and Guru Gobind Singh Ji. We have done nothing against the tenets of Sikhism. When our Gurus did not care for their lives, who were true emperors and masters of the two worlds, what concern could the death have for us.....’’

Babbar Akali
March 1925
Pardesi Newspaper of the Babbar Akali Movement.

 

*(Note – Since this article was written 7 Sikhs made representations to the Thailand Embassy in London, urging Thailand to not extradite a recently detained Sikh to India. This was a commendable move, because as I outlined at the beginning of this article, my opposition was to inherently flawed initiatives. Lobbying the Thailand Government in this case is completely logical, as it can result in them refusing to extradite the detained Sikh.)

Hunger Strikes...Again

Photo by Wavebreakmedia Ltd/Wavebreak Media / Getty Images

Photo by Wavebreakmedia Ltd/Wavebreak Media / Getty Images

Last week a Gurdwara in the Midlands stopped serving the Guru’s Langar for a period of 12 hours. Allegedly for the ‘first time in 50 years’, the Gurdwara Management Committee’s decision was made as a show of support for the efforts of one Gurbaksh Singh, who is on his second hunger strike in protest of the wrongful imprisonment of Sikh political prisoners. 

Following an appeal by Gurbaksh Singh, a video surfaced on social media urging Sikhs around the world to join in with his hunger strike for one day. The idea being that this would assist Gurbaksh Singh with his own hunger strike. The makers of this video urged individuals to fast on 25th December, and in the case of the Gurdwara, simultaneously recite Gurbani and Simran in the hope that Gurbaksh Singh would remain in high spirits during his hunger strike.

If Gurbaksh Singh believes his efforts will result in the release of political prisoners then he should continue with the hunger strike and it seems he is resolute in doing so. My question however is, how does the closure of Guru’s Langar in Birmingham and a one day fast for individuals, provide a positive solution for Gurbaksh Singh’s plight, or his cause in Punjab? How does fasting in the UK assist political prisoners in India? Do the Sikhs need to result to such measures to show they are united against the unlawful detainment of political prisoners?

Hunger strikes are not everyone’s chosen method of protesting. If the management committee wished to take part in the hunger strike, they should have done so at their own whim and not have denied an individual the opportunity to take part in Pangat and Langar. Putting aside instances where a Gurdwara was made the target during war or conflict, when has the Guru’s Langar ever been stopped in the past? 

As for the individuals supporting a global Sikh hunger strike, I think they are ill-informed. Are they fasting for the health and Chardikala of Gurbaksh Singh? If so, is this not the complete opposite of what he is inflicting to his own body? Or, are they fasting for his cause – in which case to whom are they protesting? Will their efforts reach the walls of Delhi? 

In fact, where is the logic and rationale in a one-day hunger strike? What does one achieve by not eating for 24 hours? How does it help the political prisoners when the individuals responsible for their incarceration have no idea of the protestor’s existence, let alone know of the hunger strike? In any case, even if the efforts were brought to the attention of the Delhi Administration, would they as much as flinch? An underlying issue here is that a hunger strike causes self-harm which I don’t believe is in line with Sikh ideology.

The fact that Gurbaksh Singh is having to endure a second fast for the same cause should in itself raise alarm bells. This entire episode ought to be considered in the wider context of what has happened in Punjab to the Sikhs since 1947 but more specifically since 1984. The Sikhs have struggled to keep their identity and philosophy alive. Having led the civil rights movement in Punjab, the events of 1984 gave them no choice but to accept that they were treated like slaves, long after the British had left India. In 1986 the Sikh Nation decided their only means of true justice was and still lies in the formation of Khalistan. A declaration that remains outstanding but is just as relevant today as it was 30 years ago.

The current topic of political prisoners is exactly the reason why the Sikhs need a separate Sikh homeland. Gurbachan Singh has proved his mettle and already failed Gurbaksh Singh once. The SGPC is the plaything of the Badal enterprise and until the Sikhs realise this, such occurrences will continue to haunt the Sikhs who have become so reactive that it’s frightening. As soon as something happens in Punjab, it seems the only solution visible to Sikhs is to petition and protest. The hallmark of an enslaved people is evident through their continued plea for justice long after it has been denied.  Freedom is not achieved by appealing to the moral sense of the people who are the oppressors. The Sarbat Khalsa of 1986 was and remains the single most important decision of the Sikh Nation. 

The response I’ve had from those that took part in the hunger strike and supported Gurbaksh Singh has been “we know all of this, but at least we’re doing something.” My response has been simple. If you know Khalistan is the only solution, why are you acting like an enslaved people? Why is Gurbaksh Singh receiving so much public attention? If he dies, will he become a martyr? Is he not a free man capable of raising awareness about the injustice of political prisoners in ways that do not require a hunger strike? These questions need to be discussed because I feel as though the Sikhs are on a slippery slope. I believe Gurbaksh Singh is sincere at heart and believes he is doing the right thing. I do not question his character. I just feel he is ill-advised. 

Bhai Talwinder Singh Babbar and Bhai Randhir Singh were two Sikhs that underwent hunger strikes in the last century. Their circumstances were completely different to Gurbaksh Singh’s protest. Both were incarcerated and were protesting against the injustice because as prisoners they had no other means of highlighting their cause. The question Sikhs need to ask is why Gurbaksh Singh and his supporters are so adamant that this hunger strike will succeed? It seems as though if one begs, pleads and petitions, one might get somewhere. It's that slave mind set; ask the master and you might receive.